职业师范院校艺术类学生思想政治教育路径探析

职业师范院校艺术类专业学生思想政治教育的效果一直不够理想,这与艺术类专业学生的文化素质、思想水平、心理素质、个性特点等密切相关。本文通过对思想政治教育的有效路径研究,将师范教育、专业发展融为一体,为职教发展培养合格艺术类人才,促进学生全面发展,提升人才培养质量。     

“三全育人”理论支持下大学生思想政治教育的实施与改革

为全面提升大学生的思想政治境界,打造更为和谐的高校教育氛围,在"三全育人"理论支持下提出大学生思想政治教育的实施与改革方法。在价值模式含义的基础上,根据特征理论依据,确定运作机制的具体内涵价值,完成高校"三全育人"模式的运作机制研究。并通过分析突出问题的方式,对问题产生原因进行简述,完成大学生思想政治教育的实施现状审视。再从人才培养目标建立、思政学科建设、教育队伍打造三方面,对教育改革具体策略进行完善,实现"三全育人"理论支持下大学生思想政治教育的实施与改革。     

论我国城市社区的政治文化建构

20世纪90年代以来,随着我国市场经济、市民社会和民主政治的发展以及社区权力结构和治理模式的转型,城市社区的政治文化建构作为社区文化建设必不可少的组成部分,其作用和重要性愈来愈受到人们的重视。法律的相对滞后、见物不见人的文化心理、责权利的分离以及“社区人“意识的淡薄,是阻碍城市社区政治文化建构的主要因素。只有从中国政治发展和构建社会主义和谐社会的全局出发,坚持马克思主义主阵地,弘扬社会主义核心价值观,在实践中积极培育新型公民文化,改进政治社会化方式,建立有效的工作机制等,才是正确建构城市社区政治文化的根本途径。     

试析中国与沙特阿拉伯的石油合作

沙特阿拉伯是世界第一大原油生产国和出口国,中国是世界第二大石油消费国和消费量增长最快的石油进口国.沙特需要为其巨大的能源储量寻找新的市场,中国需要海外能源满足经济增长的需要.因此,两国在能源领域存在着相互依赖关系.正是这种相互依赖关系推动着中沙关系的稳步发展,本文力图运用政治经济学的分析法对中沙石油合作做出理性分析与判断.     

The impact of managerial political ties on corporate governance and debt financing: Evidence from Ghana

In this study, we draw upon insights from agency theory to examine the impact of managerial political ties on cost of debt and also to explore whether corporate governance mediates this impact. We hypothesize that political ties reduce financial reporting quality, disclosure of non-financial information and board independence, and are therefore associated with higher interest rates. We also hypothesize that the negative effect of political ties on the cost of debt will be stronger if firms borrow from privately-owned banks versus government-owned banks. Using data from Ghana, we find support for our direct and moderation hypotheses; political ties are associated with high interest rates and poor corporate governance. However, we do not find evidence of mediation. Altogether, the findings reveal the dark side of political connections and highlight the cost of political embeddedness in emerging credit markets.     

Three notes on a political economy of youth

The paper seeks to makes a contribution to a recent debate in the Journal about what a political economy of youth might look like. The paper will take up aspects of Sukarieh and Tannock’s [2016. ‘On the political economy of youth: a comment.’ Journal of Youth Studies 19 (9): 1281–1289] response to the initial contributions by Côté [2014. ‘Towards a New Political Economy of Youth.’ Journal of Youth Studies 17 (4): 527–543, 2016. ‘A New Political Economy of Youth Reprised: Rejoinder to France and Threadgold.’ Journal of Youth Studies.] And France and Threadgold [2015. ‘Youth and Political Economy: Towards a Bourdieusian Approach.’ Journal of Youth Studies], and will take the form of three ‘notes’: Capitalism: From the first industrial revolution to the third industrial revolution; Youth as an artefact of governmentalised expertise; The agency/structure problem in youth studies: Foucault’s dispositif and post-human exceptionalism.

These notes will suggest that twenty-first century capitalism is globalising, is largely neo-Liberal, and is being reconfigured in profound ways by the Anthropocene, bio-genetics, Artificial Intelligence (AI), and the Internet of Things (IoT). A political economy of twenty-first century capitalism, let alone a political economy of young people, must be able to account for a capitalism that in many ways looks like the capitalism of the First and Second Industrial Revolutions, but which is at the same time profoundly different as it enters what has often been described as the Third Industrial Revolution. It is these profound emergences that pose the greatest challenges for engaging with a political economy of youth.     

Just another brick in the wall? The relationship between classroom-based political education and the political interest of young adults in Switzerland

This article asks whether political education at upper secondary school – i.e. shortly before or at the age when young people receive the right to vote – affects individual political interest as well as differences in political interest between social groups. Empirically, we use a novel data set combining individual student data with information on classroom-based political education as well as teacher characteristics. We do not find support for a more or less automatic and positive effect of classroom-based political education on young people’s political interest. Whereas we analyzed three dimensions of political education (knowledge, skills, arousing interest in politics), the skills dimension was the only one that exhibited a consistent positive (and mostly significant) relationship with young peoples’ political interest. Moreover, classroom-based political education seems not to compensate for a lack of political socialization at home but rather tends to affect students with politically interested parents most strongly.     

The methodology of a multi-model project examining how facebook infrastructures social relations

It is the purpose of this paper to make explicit the methodology (the theory of the methods) by which we conducted research for an Economic and Social Research Council-funded research project on the relationship of values to value. Specifically, we wanted to study the imperative of Facebook to monetize social relationships, what happens when one of our significant forms of communication is driven by the search for profit, by the logic of capital. We therefore wanted to ‘get inside’ and understand what capital's new lines of flight, informationally driven models of economic expansion, do to social relations. Taking up the challenge to develop methods appropriate to the challenges of ‘big data', we applied four different methods to investigate the interface that is Facebook: we designed custom software tools, generated an online survey, developed data visualizations, and conducted interviews with participants to discuss their understandings of our analysis. We used Lefebvre's [(2004). Rhythmnanalysis: Space, time and everyday life. London: Continuum] rhythmanalysis and Kember and Zylinska's [(2012). Life after new media: Mediation as a vital process. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press] ideas about ‘lifeness’ to inform our methodology. This paper reports on a research process that was not entirely straightforward. We were thwarted in a variety of ways, especially by challenge to use software to study software and had to develop our project in unanticipated directions, but we also found much more than we initially imagined possible. As so few academic researchers are able to study Facebook through its own tools (as Tufekci [(2014 Tufekci, Z. (2014). Big questions for social media big data: Representativeness, validity and other methodological pitfalls. In ICWSM ‘14: Proceedings of the 8th International AAAI Conference on Weblogs and Social Media, pp. 505–514. [Google Scholar]). Big questions for social media big data: Representativeness, validity and other methodological pitfalls. In ICWSM ‘14: Proceedings of the 8th International AAAI Conference on Weblogs and Social Media (pp. 505–514)] notes how, unsurprisingly, at the 2013 ICWSM only about 5% of papers were about Facebook and nearly all of these were co-authored with Facebook data scientists), we hope that our methodology is useful for other researchers seeking to develop less conventional research on Facebook.     

明治维新成功与戊戌变法失败的政治学分析

由于中日两国在政治体制方面存在着巨大的差异,决定了日本明治维新的成功和中国戊戌变法的失败。从政治发展的危机论角度观察,清末的政治体系不但面临着权威危机,而且还面临着参与危机;从实现现代化的政治条件上观察,清末的政治体制已经失去了实现现代化的政治功能;从政治衰败的角度观察,清末的政治衰败已到了无法挽救的地步。     

解放战争爆发的政治学分析

1946年解放战争的爆发是由于国民党政府当时的刻板、僵硬的政治体制,是国民党政府未能建立一个能够适应不断变化的政治参政模式体制的必然结果。由于国民党政府无法为当时新的社会力量、新的上层分子提供参与政治的渠道和参与政治体系的机会,而当时被排斥于政治之外的社会力量、上层分子又具有参与政治的强烈愿望,这种政治体制和社会力量两种因素一但碰到一起,革命就会爆发。