The racialized patterns of police violence: The critical importance of research as praxis

The tragic killing of George Floyd at the hands of the police resulted in hundreds of thousands of protestors marching in the streets demanding change. The call for change criticized the killing of Blacks by law enforcement and challenged White supremacy as an institution of social control and racial violence. A key component of the marches and protests was a message to the residents of the United States: “Black Lives Matter.” As society grapples with a reckoning, researchers studying police violence for the past 6 decades have been empirically and theoretically debating the reasons why use of force by law enforcement continues to have a higher proportion of Black and Brown victims compared to Whites. Although the research on fatal police killings was studied by only a small number of individuals prior to 2014, after the killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri the research in different areas of the country increased rapidly as did the forms of analysis and research disciplines making their own contributions. The Washington Post and Guardian news agencies established that deaths at the hands of the police were occurring for at least 900 to 1100 individual deaths per year for which firearms resulted in the greatest cause of death. As US government agencies failed to produce a national data source on police involved killings, the media took a leading role in providing greater national understanding. The authors examine what role academic researchers contribute to the discussion for solutions, particularly those from marginalized backgrounds. As protestors march, lawyers sue and defend, and politicians create new forms of legislation, researchers need to play a more important role initiating critical studies, making sense of the data, and providing a theoretical framework for which police violence can be understood. This article will provide an overview of the literature on racialized police violence, point out key patterns involving racial and ethnic disparities, and emphasize how researchers can play a more important role in advocating for change.     

Absent bodies and present memories: marking out the everyday and the future in Eastern Sri Lanka

Drawing from ethnographic work carried out between 2005 and 2007, this article considers the ways in which a women’s network has developed strategies to find meaning around the absences of loved ones, killed or ‘disappeared’ during the decades of conflict in Sri Lanka. For most of these women, the fate of their husbands, brothers, sons and fathers is not known and the lack of answers means that they are unable to fully grieve and find closure. In order to survive, they must find ways to deal with the absent bodies and present memories of those who may never be located and accounted for. These strategies include tree-planting ceremonies carried out as a way of not only remembering and mourning loved ones but also asking questions about how one makes sense of loss and what it means to carry the burden of unanswered absences through everyday life and into the future.     

‘Democracy always comes first’: adolescents’ views on decision-making in everyday life and political democracy

Research shows adolescents to be positively oriented towards democracy, but little is known about what it actually means to them and what their views are on decision-making in both everyday situations and political democracy. To gain insight into these aspects of adolescents’ democratic views, we have interviewed 40 Dutch adolescents from second grade of different types of high school. Potential conflict between various democratic principles prevalent in everyday life situations was discussed and compared to how they view decision-making in political democracy. The results of our qualitative study showed that adolescents’ views on issues concerning collective decision-making in everyday situations are quite rich and reflect different models of democracy (majoritarian, consensual, and deliberative). Moreover, how adolescents deal with tensions between democratic principles in everyday life situations varies. While some adolescents combine several principles (for instance, majority rule as a last resort after trying to find broader consensus), other adolescents tend to strictly focus on only one of these principles. Adolescents’ views on political democracy, however, are rather limited and one-dimensional. Those adolescents who seemed to have a more explicit picture of political democracy often preferred a strict focus on majority rule, neglecting minority interests.     

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF TIME IN THE INTERNET ERA: FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES AND CHALLENGES

This paper examines the gender matrix of time, arguing for cross-disciplinary consideration of political economy, globalization and technology to achieve a detailed understanding of gendered hierarchies of time and the ways in which public/private identifications of social space and time have variously constructed and maintained them. It is argued that women are alienated from their own time, which is identified as most legitimately allocated to the service of others both in the home and at work. The inter-relationship of technologies and gendered identities is explored in relation to public/private divisions and the political-economic and scientific-technological knowledge processes that contribute to upholding them. ICTs reflect these historically established gendered patterns, but international projects such as 'Women on the Net' also demonstrate the capacities of these technologies for disrupting the gender matrix of time through their use by women for women.     

Political entrepreneurship in the field of Māori sovereignty in Aotearoa New Zealand

Individual actors have the potential to shape political outcomes through creative use of opportunities. Political entrepreneurship identifies how such actors recognize and exploit opportunities, for personal or collective gain. The existing literature focuses on individuals operating within institutional settings, with less attention paid to other types of actors. In this article, I argue for an expansion of the political entrepreneurship framework, by considering individuals in the electoral and protest arenas. An examination of the field of Māori sovereignty, or tino rangatiratanga, in Aotearoa New Zealand allows exploration of prominent actors’ innovative strategies and practices. The findings highlight the actors’ reliance on identity in mobilizing support within the community, to press claims. Broadening the application of political entrepreneurship demonstrates the roles of social, cultural and political capital in influencing outcomes, by identifying opportunities available to individuals embedded in the community and according to the context of the arena.     

社交网络时代大学生政治参与及引导机制研究

社交网络时代,网络成为大学生政治参与的新载体,大学生通过社交网络参与政治社会生活积极性高,原因在于:通过网络参与的及时性;同辈交流自由化,长幼交流隐私化;接受信息私己性与自我满足性。因此,可构建大学生网络政治参与引导互动模型,包含动力机制、协调机制、导向机制、效能机制以及交互机制等内容。     

“1·25革命”前后埃及政治转型比较

“1·25革命”后,埃及的政治转型一度为中东政治发展带来一丝曙光,但之后更剧烈的社会动荡又为民主转型带来了巨大的不确定性。事实上,在西方民主转型理论的诱导下,埃及的民主化走向误区具有必然性,西方民主转型理论注重即时性的结果,片面地将民主制度的建立及公民政治权利尤其是选举权的实现视作民主转型的终点,而忽视了民主的深刻内涵。民主某种程度上就是各种公民权利,包括基础权利、政治权利及社会权利,依次实现的漫长过程。三种权利互相支撑,构成三位一体的民主。穆巴拉克时代的民主转型缺乏基础权利和社会权利的支撑,最终导致民主的空心化。革命后的埃及尽管在民主制度建设上取得实质性进展,但公民权利的匮乏对民主的成熟构成严重制约,从选举到善治,埃及的民主转型任重而道远。     

QUEER TREASONS: HOMOSEXUALITY AND IRISH NATIONAL IDENTITY

Queer Treasons suggests how and why homosexuality has been placed outside the limited discourse of what constitutes ‘Irishness.’ I argue that, since the early part of the twentieth century, homosexuality has been represented as ‘foreign’ to nationalisms in Ireland, particularly when the borders of the nation are perceived to be under threat. I further suggest that the threat of homosexuals, as represented in Irish political discourse, points more generally toward an instability in the discourses of nation itself.     

A Collection of Thoughts and Findings on Affirmative Action

Abstract

During the 1980s and ′90s grassroots feminist and neoconservative movements increased in size and strength around the world. In the U.S. and globally, conservatives organized against the welfare state and against feminism. As a result, feminist social work has been constrained and enhanced by the competing claims of these divergent movements. This article presents a case study of one U.S. battered women's organization which retrenched and then reasserted its feminism in reaction to these contradictory forces. The analysis of this example explores the question of how feminist social workers can apply the capacity of feminist thinking and action, given the conservative constraints.     

Exploring the role of the Senate Majority Leader's political public relations efforts

Grounded in first- and second-level agenda building, this study explored the role of the U.S. Senate Majority Leader in shaping the salience of issues and issue attributes in news media coverage and policymaking in 2011. A total of 358 public relations messages, 164 newspaper articles, and 83 policymaking documents were analyzed. Significant correlations were found supporting agenda-building linkages at both levels. Different types of information subsidies were explored, including press releases, blog posts, Facebook posts, and Twitter messages.