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11.
It is common to understand the governing of rural space as the outcome of a conflict between some romantic protectors of a lost past on the one hand, and the people who worry about creating economic values on the other. However, the power to shape the rural should not only be searched for in the open struggle between protectors and developers, but also should be analysed at the level of discourse, in the play between discourses about how to deal with the rural. In this paper I therefore present a modernist discourse and demonstrate how taken-for-granted truths about the rural – its history, its present and its future – are made possible by this discourse. Secondly, I will reveal how rurality takes on a different meaning in an alternative to the modernist discourse, emphasizing local and regional autonomy. In demonstrating that rurality is contingent upon a play between these two discourses, I want to provide some new insights into an important force behind the persistence of ideas about rurality in Norway.  相似文献   
12.
Gregg Culver 《Mobilities》2016,11(5):703-722
The 2010 launch of a national high-speed rail (HSR) initiative became heavily politicized in some parts of the U.S. Research on HSR, however, has predominantly focused on quantitative variables at the national scale, while the fraught sub-national politics of HSR have been mostly overlooked. Using discourse theory, I explore the politics of Wisconsin HSR, arguing that HSR figured heavily in a larger state-based political struggle over conflicting spatial visions of how Wisconsin ‘ought’ to be. This research highlights the significance of spatiotemporally contingent meanings and the scale of analysis in politics of mobility research.  相似文献   
13.
The paper seeks to makes a contribution to a recent debate in the Journal about what a political economy of youth might look like. The paper will take up aspects of Sukarieh and Tannock’s [2016. ‘On the political economy of youth: a comment.’ Journal of Youth Studies 19 (9): 1281–1289] response to the initial contributions by Côté [2014. ‘Towards a New Political Economy of Youth.’ Journal of Youth Studies 17 (4): 527–543, 2016. ‘A New Political Economy of Youth Reprised: Rejoinder to France and Threadgold.’ Journal of Youth Studies.] And France and Threadgold [2015. ‘Youth and Political Economy: Towards a Bourdieusian Approach.’ Journal of Youth Studies], and will take the form of three ‘notes’: Capitalism: From the first industrial revolution to the third industrial revolution; Youth as an artefact of governmentalised expertise; The agency/structure problem in youth studies: Foucault’s dispositif and post-human exceptionalism.

These notes will suggest that twenty-first century capitalism is globalising, is largely neo-Liberal, and is being reconfigured in profound ways by the Anthropocene, bio-genetics, Artificial Intelligence (AI), and the Internet of Things (IoT). A political economy of twenty-first century capitalism, let alone a political economy of young people, must be able to account for a capitalism that in many ways looks like the capitalism of the First and Second Industrial Revolutions, but which is at the same time profoundly different as it enters what has often been described as the Third Industrial Revolution. It is these profound emergences that pose the greatest challenges for engaging with a political economy of youth.  相似文献   

14.
The paper focuses on the commodification and politicisation of cultural heritage using as a case study the ongoing debate on the return of the Parthenon Marbles from the U.K. to Greece, recently reignited by the press release for the movie The Monuments Men in 2014. Greece has been in the throes of a severe financial crisis for over six years with the ever imminent threat of Grexit constantly disputed. In parallel with this ongoing turmoil, discourses of Greek antiquity have been persistently prominent in the media. In this context, we problematise the complex nexus of relationships between the financial crisis, national identity and cultural heritage. We combine the Discourse‐Historical Approach and Interactional Sociolinguistics drawing data from an online forum, and investigate how the users negotiate pro‐/anti‐return positions and make the financial crisis relevant in the argumentation process. The analysis shows that history, identity, value, and debt are recontextualised in relation to the Parthenon sculptures. The analysis identifies an underlying process of value trade off and brings the current political and economic environment to the fore. We close the paper by foregrounding the implications of our study and provide directions for further research.  相似文献   
15.
《Public Relations Review》2014,40(5):844-846
Interviews with senior crisis communicators explore how crisis recovery is defined and what role publics and organizational communication and characteristics play. Findings reveal recovery is measured operationally and short-term. Effective communication proactively addresses failures, is transparent and honest while positive, focuses on future directions, and rebuilds and repairs symbolic damage. Organizational best practices include tested values and crisis leadership. Publics can facilitate healing, highlight victims’ voices, and provide recovery evidence.  相似文献   
16.
胡耀邦同志在“文化大革命”后这个特殊的年代,对青年工作面临的基本问题,包括对“文化大革命”后青年的估价,青年工作拨乱反正的任务和基本方针,处理“文化大革命”遗留下来各种严重的青年问题的方针和政策,对当时的共青团组织怎样工作和团干部应有的精神状态与作风等,都有相关的系统论述。这是我党青年工作的一个典范。青年是社会变革中一支最敏感、最活跃也是很重要的力量,今天我们重温胡耀邦同志当时的指导思想,仍有着重要的现实意义。  相似文献   
17.
This paper examines how speakers deploy narrative devices in talking about Sudanese refugees. Particularly, we show how narrative constructions form an important basis for the advancement of accounts about integration problems into the local polity. We analyse talkback ‘phone‐in’ calls to a local Adelaide radio station that provide callers an opportunity to give accounts of events and social phenomena that concern them in their local settings. Analysis shows that speakers regularly deployed narrative constructions, first‐hand ‘witnessing’ devices that functioned to legitimate accounts as veridical versions of events, and contrast devices to explicate the moral and behavioural aberrance of Sudanese refugees. The analysis illustrates how these discursive devices function rhetorically in interaction, in ways that differentiate Sudanese refugees as problematic. Through this analysis, we contend that narrative devices precipitate and bolster socio‐political policies that have serious, negative consequences for Sudanese refugees.  相似文献   
18.
In 2015, Lusophone Africa celebrated 40 years since independence. Portuguese colonies in Africa became independent in the aftermath of two orders of interlinked events. The first was the fierce-armed opposition to the colonial order – through the action of nationalist movements and nationalist thinkers such as Amílcar Cabral – which escalated after 1960 when French and English colonies in Africa were achieving independence. The second was the Carnation Revolution, in 1974, which, despite having taken place in Lisbon, had powerful reverberations across Portuguese Africa. Here, I argue that the Carnation Revolution was a by-product of the emergence of nationalist movements in Africa, when it became apparent that popular uprisings there could not be won by conventional armed struggle. Or, to put it slightly different, anticolonial struggle in Africa opened the way not only for the end of Portuguese rule on the continent, but also for the demise of dictatorship in Portugal itself.  相似文献   
19.
辛亥革命是中国历史上的一次大变革。梁启超既是立宪派的领袖,又是辛亥革命的亲历者,他在民国初年和辛亥十周年两个不同时段对辛亥革命曾有过不同的评价和反思。在辛亥革命百年之际,我们回忆并解读梁启超的评价和反思,以揭示他从文化启蒙的角度,回答中国将向何处去的思想。  相似文献   
20.
辛亥革命推翻清朝统治 ,建立了中华民国 ,社会的变革使教育为之发生嬗变 :确立了新的教育宗旨 ;颁布了学制改革方案 ;革新了教科书编写制度 ,从而为民国教育事业的发展奠定了基础  相似文献   
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