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191.
近一百年来现代化进程中的中国乡村—兼论乡村振兴战略中的“乡村” 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
吴理财 《中国农业大学学报(社会科学版)》2018,35(3):15-22
建设什么样的乡村、怎么建设乡村,是近代以来中华民族面对的一个历史性课题。 在近百年中国现代化进程中,乡村不断衰败凋敝,这跟近百年来我国所选取的经济发展道路不无关系,更与人们对于“乡村冶和“乡村发展冶的认识紧密相关。 在相当长的一个历史时期内,人们简单地将“乡村冶与“农业冶、“乡村发展冶与“农业发展冶相提并论。 如果不能将乡村视为一个社会的概念,并着力乡村社会建设,即便在经济发展上用尽全力,也将事倍功半。 相似文献
192.
Wei Wei 《Journal of homosexuality》2017,64(12):1667-1683
Starting as an Internet meme, the homosexually themed gao-ji discourse recently became popular among Chinese urban youth in describing intimate relationships among heterosexual men. Positioned within a body of scholarship on the interplay between language, homophobia, and the construction of heteromasculinity, this article suggests that the gao-ji discourse manifests a form of male homosociality, through which new boundaries of Chinese heteromasculinity may be renegotiated. Based on qualitative interviews with college students, the article first tracks the genealogy of the gao-ji discourse in the wake of China’s booming Internet culture. The main body focuses on unpacking the daily use of the gao-ji discourse, with an attention to the two latent functions it serves (i.e., expanding heteromasculine behaviors and reiterating heteromasculine identities). In conclusion, I argue that the prevalence of the gao-ji discourse mainly resolves straight men’s anxieties against the background of growing public awareness of homosexuality; therefore, it cannot necessarily translate into social acceptance of homosexuality. 相似文献
193.
Trine Brox 《Asian Ethnicity》2017,18(1):1-21
In downtown Chengdu a pocket of Tibetan culture has sprung up: a Tibetan market where Tibetans and Han Chinese meet to buy and sell ethnic minority products. Pointing to how Tibetan migration to Chengdu has contributed to the growth of a vibrant ‘minzu market’ attracting Tibetan and Han Chinese merchants, customers, Buddhist devotees, and voyeurs, this article presents novel understandings of the ethnic goods market in urban Chengdu. The article first explores the growth of the market, which is the result of a history of political and economic reforms, increased mobility, and religious revival. Second, it maps the market infrastructure according to the ethnicity of the shopkeepers and the commodities that are traded. Although there is still a clear ethnic division in the market, this article also documents the emergence of Han Chinese market participation in forms of trade that have historically been dominated by Tibetans. 相似文献
194.
姚红 《绍兴文理学院学报》2012,(1)
北宋东莱吕氏家族既与宰辅大族联姻,也选择有发展前景的新进士为婿或姻家,从而形成了一个个盘根错节的庞大政治集团,藉此长期维持其家族的社会地位和政治利益,并对北宋政治产生重大影响。 相似文献
195.
顾甦泳 《成都大学学报(社会科学)》2021,(1):73-82
《村歌》是孙犁根据1947—1948年下乡参加土改工作的经验创作而成的中篇小说。本文通过对《村歌》的文本分析指出,在新的历史情势下,孙犁试图借助小说这一文学体裁,记录、反映并想象和建构革命的现实与远景。区别于同一时期大部分的土改小说,孙犁在《村歌》中并未着力呈现政策对现实的引导或两者之间的频繁互动,张岗村的土改运动主要被叙述为政策引导下村庄内生的革命潜能的引爆,土改中遇到的阻碍大多通过村庄中人半自发的组织、互助和话语创新得到解决。这一构造内含着孙犁对革命路径的想象,即革命不仅意味着对村庄的颠覆和改造,更存在着从乡村传统和日常人伦中生发出来的可能。但同时,在小说中,激荡的革命情绪最终仍然被回收为双眉个人情感的高扬,却也症候式地呈现了这一革命想象与现实的龃龉,和在新的历史情势下不得不面对的难题。 相似文献
196.
谢力哲 《重庆交通大学学报》2014,14(6):139-144
将1930年代左翼文学潮流的兴起置于"民国"这一社会历史的政治经济研究框架中,可以看到其与民国时期商业出版的经济环境有着十分密切的关系。从此视角出发并结合相关史料,兼以良友图书印刷公司的转变为实例,探寻在与出版业广泛互动的条件下,一度风行文坛进而成为声势浩大"主潮"的左翼文学潮流的生成机制。 相似文献
197.
时至今日,社会各个阶层的固化趋势渐趋严重,很大程度上成为中华民族复兴历程上最大的拦路虎,这不能不引起我们的关注和重视。而广大的新世纪底层青年正是在这一背景下踏上历史舞台,展开各自的人生传奇。当代底层青年面对着日益严峻的阶层固化态势,他们的崛起之路变得愈加坎坷和艰难。他们要破茧而出,打破阶层藩篱,实现逆袭,获得职业成功,必须把握该阶层的特点、构成,并依赖政府、社会各方面的参与和努力,更重要的是,个人的奋斗和坚持是不可或缺的。 相似文献
198.
黄兴华 《山西大同大学学报(社会科学版)》2012,26(5):88-91
文化外交是主权国家利用文化手段达到特定政治目的或对外战略意图的活动。韩国对华文化外交的实施对"韩流"在中国的兴起及风行创造了友好的政治氛围,奠定了广泛的受众基础,提供了坚实的保障。它的主要特色在于:以对外文化交流机构为依托,以韩国语为载体,以文化产业为主导。"韩流"不仅为韩国带来了为数可观的直接和间接经济效益,还提升了韩国的国家形象,改变了中国大众的对韩印象,对加强中韩民众的相互信任起到十分重要的作用。 相似文献
199.
Ronggui Huang 《Chinese Journal of Communication》2016,9(4):385-402
This study explores the use of Weibo in a protest against a nuclear fuel processing plant in China. This study argues that social media play an important role in the development of protests in non-democratic societies through the mechanism of preference revelation, which blurs the boundary between offline protests and the individualized expression of preferences on social media. Of Weibo tweets which were posted prior to the occurrence of the offline protest, 11,788 protest-related were examined with the aid of a supervised machine learning technique. The results showed that the revelation of personal preferences in the form of individualized expressions of opposition were more common than mobilization and coordination, and such preferences were legitimized by the personal frames of risk and the distrust in government. The use of Weibo to mobilize potential opponents to the project, primarily by calling for the expression of opposition, was less frequent than the use of Weibo to express personal frames. Furthermore, the prevalence of Weibo usage changed dramatically. In the first few days of the protest, the revelation of personal preferences and personal frames of risk were prominent, whereas personal frames of distrust in government were common in the days leading to the street protest. 相似文献
200.
In late 2009 China launched an innovative, voluntary programme that by 2011 had extended pension coverage to 326.4 million people in the rural sector, including contributors and beneficiaries. It requires one contribution per year and provides a flat‐rate benefit and a contributions‐related benefit through a contributory individual account, with a government guarantee that the benefit will continue for life. The programme encourages participation of persons who do not pay income taxes, and thus have no tax incentive to participate, by providing substantial government subsidies. As a further incentive, old‐age benefits are provided to older parents when all their adult children participate in the contributory programme. 相似文献