论科学技术的政治功能

科学技术是政治文明进步的杠杆,在政治意识文明、政治制度文明和政治行为文明的进步中,科学技术具有十分重要的作用。政治家是政治文明的总设计师,是政治意识文明的倡导者、政治制度文明的建立者和政治行为文明的发起者。政治家在决策中同样受到科学技术发展的影响。同时对科学技术作用于政治文明的机制进行了分析。     

网络文化安全治理的国际经验探析

网络文化安全治理是以网络文化安全作为治理的对象。西方国家网络文化安全治理战略建立在“规则取向”的国际战略文化理念基础之上,同时国家至上原则在网络空间治理中表现为积极倡导“网络主权”。我国网络文化安全治理过程应透明、民主,治理目标应致力于追求多元文化的和谐共存发展,以此回应美国等西方国家提出的“互联网自由”理念,强化国家主权在网络时代的国际地位。我国要想在全球网络文化安全治理领域成为积极而有影响力的行为体,既需要借鉴国际经验,更重要的是立足于本国的实践与探索。     

发展先进文化推进政治文明建设 ——列宁文化建设思想探析

列宁在其著作中虽然没有直接提及政治文明建设的概念,但他在有关文化建设著述中却精辟地论述了文化建设与政治建设的辩证关系,其中蕴涵了丰富的政治文明建设思想,对于我国现阶段大力发展先进文化,全面建设小康社会,推进政治文明建设,具有重要借鉴意义.当前,要坚持马列主义的指导地位,加强党对文化建设的领导,大力发展科教文化事业,切实加强思想道德建设,加速推进政治社会化进程.     

大学生就业思想政治教育的新思路探析

大学生就业是社会普遍关注的热点问题。开展大学生就业的思想政治教育,对大学生就业进行合理、有效引导需要创新思维,以建立多渠道、分类别、聚合力、重实践的科学体系。     

论高校学生政治辅导员队伍的统筹发展

高校学生政治辅导员队伍是培养社会主义事业建设者和接班人的一支重要力量,但当前这支队伍的发展现状还不能令人满意,存在诸多问题,因此文章提出必须按照统筹发展的方略,在发展理念、发展目标、发展模式等方面更新思路、创新对策,以实现高校学生政治辅导员队伍的长远发展.     

90后大学生思想道德建设刍议

90后大学生在思想道德方面呈现出独特性：思想观念新锐、张扬、自主、时尚;自我实现意识强,价值取向功利化;危机感强,心理承受能力有限;有较自觉的社会公德意识,能积极弘扬传统美德。这些特征的形成是受社会变革、互联网、家庭教育模式和学校思想政治教育水平等多种因素的影响。加强90后大学生思想道德建设,应以学生为中心,不断创新高校思想道德教育的方法与内容;要发挥家庭教育和社会教育的作用,形成大学生思想道德教育的合力;要加强校园网络文化建设,主动占领网络思想政治教育新阵地。     

Transnational queer sociological analysis of sexual identity and civic‐political activism in Hong Kong,Taiwan and mainland China

The sociology of homosexuality lacks engagement with queer theory and postcolonialism and focuses primarily on the global metropoles, thus failing to provide a plausible account of non‐Western non‐normative sexual identities. This research adopts the author’s newly proposed transnational queer sociology to address these deficiencies. First, it critiques the Western model of sexual identity predominantly employed to elucidate non‐Western, non‐normative sexualities. It does so by examining not only the queer flows between West and non‐West but also those among and within non‐Western contexts to produce translocally shared and mutually referenced experiences. Second, the proposed approach combines sociology with queer theory by emphasizing the significant role of material, as well as discursive, analyses in shaping queer identities, desires and practices. This article employs the approach to examine young gay male identities, as revealed in 90 in‐depth interviews conducted in Hong Kong (n = 30), Taiwan (Taipei, n = 30) and mainland China (Shanghai, n = 30) between 2017 and 2019. More specifically, it highlights the interplay between the state and identity by investigating the intersection and intertwining effects of these young men’s sexual and cultural/national identities, revealing three different forms of civic‐political activism. The article both demonstrates the way in which sexuality and the state are mutually constituted and provides nuanced analysis of the heterogeneity of contemporary homosexualities in Hong Kong, Taiwan and mainland China. In applying a new sociological approach to understanding sexuality, this research joins the growing body of scholarship within sociology that is decentring the Western formation of universal knowledge.     

Resistance as Sacrifice: Toward an Ascetic Antiracism

Often described as an outcome, inequality is better understood as a social process—a function of how institutions are structured and reproduced, and the ways people act and interact within them across time. Racialized inequality persists because it is enacted moment to moment, context to context—and it can be ended should those who currently perpetuate it commit themselves to playing a different role instead. This essay makes three core contributions. First, it highlights a disturbing parity between the people who are most rhetorically committed to ending racialized inequality and those who are most responsible for its persistence. Next, it explores the origin of this paradox—how it is that ostensibly antiracist intentions are transmuted into “benevolently racist” actions. Finally, it presents an alternative approach to mitigating racialized inequality, one that more effectively challenges the self‐oriented and extractive logics undergirding systemic racism, rather than expropriating blame to others, or else adopting introspective and psychologized approaches to fundamentally social problems, those sincerely committed to antiracism can take concrete steps in the real world—actions that require no legislation or coercion of naysayers, just a willingness to personally make sacrifices for the sake of racial justice.     

The effect of media sexism on women’s political ambition: evidence from a worldwide study

This paper presents results from one of the first global studies on the relationship between media sexism and the share of candidates for the lower chamber of national parliaments who are women. Data on media sexism come from the Global Media Monitoring Project, the most reliable worldwide source for media coverage from a gender perspective. The data on share of female political candidates come from the Inter-Parliamentary Union. The results show that that there is, even when controlling for the number of women in parliament, electoral system, gender quotas, level of human development, level of women’s rights, freedom from corruption, and media access, a significant relationship between media sexism—measured as (i) the share of all news subjects that are women and (ii) the share of all news subjects portrayed in the function of experts who are women—and the share of women candidates for parliament: the higher the level of media sexism, the lower the share of women candidates. The theory discussed zooms in on a bystander effect: We hypothesize that sexist portrayals of women in the media stifle ambition among women who, in a less sexist media environment, would be willing to stand as political candidates.     

Gender,work, and childcare in Kazakhstan,Mongolia, and Russia

The current study seeks to understand the nature of gender relations within a post‐Soviet welfare model in Kazakhstan, Mongolia, and Russia. On the basis of the analysis of key labour market indicators, parental leave, and childcare policies, it finds that the welfare models in the three countries are hybrid, and neither authoritarianism in Kazakhstan and Russia nor democracy in Mongolia lead to substantive gender equality outcomes. Persistent gender inequality in these countries is underpinned by the neo‐liberal approach to welfare provision, conservative social norms, and limited agency of civil society to influence the policy agenda. Nonetheless, these states have distributed to the population with an emphasis on working mothers, and this policy choice has been driven by economic, demographic, and political considerations, which ultimately serve to support, rather than transform, the patriarchal power structure in these societies.