Violence and political culture in Mozambique

This article is an attempt at developing a lens through which political culture in Mozambique can be analysed, described and interpreted. It is based on the notion of a political teleology that emerged out of the conditions within which the country fought for its independence. The paper argues that violence in a symbolic and physical form played a central role in the constitution of this political teleology by, on the one hand, allowing the liberation movement to produce an account of Mozambican history which both gave legitimacy to its own struggle while at the same time undermining alternative accounts and, on the other, set the scene for the implementation of a national project that came to be primarily concerned with the reproduction of the claim to power of the liberation movement. Forty years of independence in Mozambique offer an ideal time frame to attempt the construction of such a lens.     

The arrival of critical citizens: decline of political trust and shifting public priorities in China

Political trust has been in decline in China. In this article, we capture this decline as reflecting the modernization of Chinese political culture. While the government managed to deliver a sustained period of rapid economic growth, the public's trust in it is diminishing through two mechanisms. On the one hand, Chinese citizens are acquiring stronger liberal democratic values, which make citizens more critical toward government institutions. On the other hand, changing political culture is also shown in the citizens’ shifting of their priorities toward the expansion of freedom and empowerment of citizens. Decades of socioeconomic modernization, therefore, meant that the era of critical citizens has arrived in China.     

Cruel Pessimism and Waiting for Belonging: Towards a Global Political Economy of Affect

Recent theorizations of affect have focused largely on Western historical, political and aesthetic contexts to distinguish between affect and emotion. Notably, these interventions offer new imaginaries to reinvigorate analysis of politics in the face of shrinking possibilities. However, much of this literature views affect as autonomous from emotion, while overlooking the political history of development and the differentiated relation to affect under colonial capitalism in other historical contexts. This paper studies subaltern engagement in activist performance in India to address these issues. It thinks through Lauren Berlant's account of the aesthetic genre and affective structure of cruel optimism, and her focus on historical contexts where people have recently lost the vision of a good life. By contrast, focusing on the historical present of those born into a pervasive and intractable sense of marginality and insecurity, I ask: what is the subject's relation to affect and activism in contexts where the loss of vision of a good life is not new under neoliberalism, but rather, reworks long-standing violence and inclusion/exclusion of colonial capitalism and nation-state histories. I argue that it is useful to understand Berlant's ‘materialist context for affect theory’ in light of uneven global histories of colonialism, development and neoliberalism. The affective experience of time is different across different spaces. As such, this paper contributes a global materialist context for affect theory, by focusing on activist theatre by a tribe called Chhara, designated ‘born criminals’ by British colonial law – a status legally denotified in 1952, but that is practically still effective in postcolonial India. Competing affective structures – sentimental optimism, cruel pessimism, betrayal and ordinary regard – shape and are shaped by Chhara negotiations with branded criminality. Ultimately, for the postcolonial subject, surviving in the neoliberal present involves vacillating among competing affective structures, only some of which generate sustained political critique.     

大学生思想政治教育内容构建创新的思路

当前大学生思想政治教育内容的构建方面存在着一些非常明显的不足。创新大学生思想政治教育内容应该坚持导向性和多样性的相互结合,科学性与人文性的相互匹配,继承性同时代性的相互促进,理论性同实践性的相互联系,先进性同广泛性的相互统一,系统性与层次性的相互协调。     

基于个性化人才培养的思想政治教育路径研究

按照当前高校人才培养的新要求,将大学生思想政治教育工作的新思想、新理念、新方法和个性化人才培养工作的实施过程有机结合,准确把握大学生思想政治教育和个性化人才培养的理论联系,积极探索二者之间相互促进、协调发展的有效实施路径,进一步落实“以人为本、个性发展”的工作理念,科学、有效地完成当前大学生思想政治教育工作。     

The political economy of targeting – a critical review

The political economy models of targeting postulate that going universal is a win‐win situation, for the poor and the middle class, as well as those who are in power. This article critically discusses the assumptions behind the political economy arguments of targeting and tests whether a universal mechanism is bound to politically excel in a low‐income country context. On the basis of attitudinal surveys with the urban, rural and student population in Zambia, we do not find any support for the predictions of the political economy models. We discuss the assumptions of the political economy models in the light of these findings and consider potentially decisive parameters that the models currently do not incorporate.     

吐鲁番阿斯塔那—哈拉和卓古墓群出土古纸研究

为研究新疆古代的纸和造纸工艺,本文采用外观观察和纤维分析等方法,鉴定了一批吐鲁番哈拉和卓古墓群出土的古纸,其年代处于东晋到唐代之间。分析表明,这些纸张的原料主要是苎麻、大麻和构皮,纸张的生产方法有浇纸法造纸和抄纸法造纸两种,加工方法有单面施胶、双面施胶、浆内施胶加填、染色技艺等多种方法,说明当时加工纸技术已普遍应用于新疆的各种纸张。本文对研究纸和造纸法在新疆地区的流传有一定的意义。     

鲁国古泮池遗址今何在——基于文献学角度的考察

据《水经注》等古文献记载:鲁泮池、泮台与汉太子钓鱼池、太子钓鱼台同在鲁故城西南部,地理位置相近,但却分属于不同的古建筑群遗址,形状也尽不相同。明中期衍圣公孔弘绪与孔弘泰分别在太子钓鱼池遗址和古泮池遗址上修建有南池别墅(又名南溪)和东庄别墅(又名东池)。明正德、嘉靖年间"移城护庙",新建阙里城东墙恰好从太子钓鱼池和古泮池中间穿过。太子钓鱼池留在了明城内,古泮池则被隔在了明城外。清乾隆年间,在明城内太子钓鱼池遗址上修建"古泮池行宫",乾隆帝"古泮池证疑"将其地定为古泮池。由此古泮池与太子钓鱼池张冠李戴,明城外真正的古泮池遗址再也无人问津。     

政治与经济:中国改革的可能走向

经济发展与社会稳定为何呈现出"负相关"的关系?学术界的主流形成了三类具有代表性的分析框架:"宪政转型"、"体制落后"和"分配不公"。这三类框架具有各自的特点和局限性。在马克思的理论框架中,关于经济发展与社会稳定的关系背后,隐藏着一个更为深刻的相关性:经济基础与上层建筑之间的关系。这与主流观点有着本质的区别。对于中国当下的现实,马克思的分析框架有着极为深刻的解释力。这种解释的要义在于:(1)经济发展与经济基础的变化是同一过程的两个方面;(2)经济基础的变化必然要求上层建筑与之相适应;(3)经济基础与上层建筑的内在张力必然催生相应的政治诉求;(4)经济发展与社会稳定之间的"负相关",正是这种"政治诉求"没有得到有效满足的表现。因此,在经济基础日趋多元化的背景下,既要强化共产党的执政地位,又要确保市场化的改革方向。这个难题如何解决,不仅对中国未来的改革构成了巨大挑战,也将决定中国未来几十年甚至上百年的前途命运。     

中国发展的政治基础——以人民民主为中心的考察

中国发展离不开中国政治在其中的作用。在中国的政治逻辑中,人民民主既是国家的形态,也是国家的目标。它多维度地定义和规范着国家的结构、运行与发展,从而使中国的国家与社会生活既遵循民主与现代化要求,又遵循中国的自我意志。只要中国能够在现有的制度框架下,以人民民主为取向,时刻保持政治与经济的有机互动,自觉地进行政治建设,推进民主发展,中国的未来发展不仅不会引发政治问题,相反还能从中国独特的政治体系中获得有效的动力和保障。原因在于:一是中国的经济与社会发展已完全迈入现代化的轨道,已成为一种不可逆的发展;二是中国的政治体系具有现代性,而且其本质上是开放的,因而具有很强的适应性和发展性,否则,中国是不可能创造今天这样的发展局面的。