全文获取类型
收费全文 | 4113篇 |
免费 | 130篇 |
国内免费 | 41篇 |
专业分类
管理学 | 25篇 |
民族学 | 80篇 |
人才学 | 1篇 |
人口学 | 95篇 |
丛书文集 | 556篇 |
理论方法论 | 216篇 |
综合类 | 2681篇 |
社会学 | 625篇 |
统计学 | 5篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 4篇 |
2023年 | 22篇 |
2022年 | 37篇 |
2021年 | 49篇 |
2020年 | 58篇 |
2019年 | 88篇 |
2018年 | 90篇 |
2017年 | 83篇 |
2016年 | 103篇 |
2015年 | 108篇 |
2014年 | 183篇 |
2013年 | 342篇 |
2012年 | 242篇 |
2011年 | 282篇 |
2010年 | 213篇 |
2009年 | 224篇 |
2008年 | 225篇 |
2007年 | 308篇 |
2006年 | 298篇 |
2005年 | 282篇 |
2004年 | 250篇 |
2003年 | 237篇 |
2002年 | 181篇 |
2001年 | 164篇 |
2000年 | 104篇 |
1999年 | 45篇 |
1998年 | 11篇 |
1997年 | 11篇 |
1996年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 10篇 |
1994年 | 10篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有4284条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
101.
Jonathan H. Martin 《Sociological Forum》2020,35(Z1):974-995
Creating a strong, influential third party has been an abiding aspiration on the American left, and were this goal to be achieved, it could be a great boon to subordinate groups in the United States. Yet widespread doubts persist, even among progressives that this is desirable, and especially that it is possible. Here, I briefly review compelling reasons for thinking otherwise; I then consider in some depth the potential for starting to build a viable left third party leading up to and after the pivotal 2020 election. In doing so, I go beyond the existing literature on third parties, which has yet to reflect systematically on progressive third party prospects in this period. Specifically, I assess how the emerging political environment may shape left third-party building, and I evaluate ongoing and developing attempts by key groups engaged in that effort. I find a distinct tension between conditions encouraging progressives to reform versus abandon the Democratic Party, and I identify one alternative party-building tendency that seems most able to exploit the latter impulse due to its already established electoral viability. Last, I highlight relevant questions that remain for activists hoping to create an effective national left third party. 相似文献
102.
王浩斌 《吉林大学社会科学学报》2006,46(1):74-82
政治经济学批判话语的缺失是当代中国马克思主义哲学“理论生产”中的一个根本性问题,它表明中国学界的“问题式”还处于传统哲学思辨的轨道上,没有真正地走向社会历史实践。无论是20世纪80年代初的人道主义大讨论,还是近来的现代性问题意识,都提出了政治经济学批判的现实要求。当前的马克思主义哲学与西方马克思主义、现代西方哲学的对话,也需要政治经济学批判为其提供一个历史与逻辑的前提。 相似文献
103.
对宋代官员俸禄水平的再认识 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
王福鑫 《长沙理工大学学报(社会科学版)》2007,22(2):104-107
关于宋代官员的俸禄水平,古往今来,学者见仁见智,说高说低均大有人在。论文从理性思维或逻辑思维的角度来观照宋代官员的俸禄水平,不局限于前人之说,而是从当时的社会舆论、价值观、俸外收入、做官后的经济效果来考察宋代官员俸禄水平,认为宋代官员俸禄是丰厚的,俸禄的整体水平是较高的。 相似文献
104.
肖贵清 《东北师大学报(哲学社会科学版)》2007,2(6):62-66
大革命时期,陈独秀政治思想呈现出曲折发展的特点.共产国际在国共两党政策上的矛盾和失误、对中国革命指导上的错误,严重地阻碍了陈独秀对于中国革命理论的探索和认识,是大革命时期陈独秀政治思想曲折发展的重要原因. 相似文献
105.
赵文薇 《南京邮电大学学报(社会科学版)》2012,14(2):82-87
试图从本体论的角度阐释西尔维娅?普拉斯的诗是对人的精神世界和存在本质的呈现,并分析她的诗对存在、死亡、本源和身体进行的形而上的终极思考和追问,以及她对历史与人的存在的深刻感悟。 相似文献
106.
Madeline‐Sophie Abbas 《The British journal of sociology》2019,70(1):261-282
Research on UK government counter‐terrorism measures has claimed that Muslims are treated as a ‘suspect community’. However, there is limited research exploring the divisive effects that membership of a ‘suspect community’ has on relations within Muslim communities. Drawing from interviews with British Muslims living in Leeds or Bradford, I address this gap by explicating how co‐option of Muslim community members to counter extremism fractures relations within Muslim communities. I reveal how community members internalize fears of state targeting which precipitates internal disciplinary measures. I contribute the category of ‘internal suspect body’ which is materialized through two intersecting conditions within preventative counter‐terrorism: the suspected extremist for Muslims to look out for and suspected informer who might report fellow Muslims. I argue that the suspect community operates through a network of relations by which terrors of counter‐terrorism are reproduced within Muslim communities with divisive effects. 相似文献
107.
Sandya Hewamanne 《Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power》2019,26(2):165-183
This article explores how former factory workers negotiate new identities in villages, as new brides, mothers and daughters-in-law, after 5–6 years of employment in an urban Free Trade Zone. I argue that their performances of self-discipline and disavowal of transgressive knowledges allow them to make use of the limited social, economic and political spaces available while gradually reshaping local understandings about the good daughter-in-law. Former workers’ strategic deployment of social conformity represents the foundation on which their entry into village social, economic, political spaces is based on. Although individual social conformity would conventionally be identified as everyday politics, I argue that former workers’ performance of self-discipline and social conformity is strategic and leads to changes in gender norms and village social hierarchies and thus represents a form of politics that is in between everyday and transformative politics – politics that creates conditions of possibility for social transformations. 相似文献
108.
Although still a neglected area, over the years a growing body of sociological research on the position of ethno-racial minorities in Western artistic fields has emerged. With this article we aim to contribute to this research area by focusing on ethno-racial diversity in the Dutch literary field. Through in-depth interviews, we analyse how gatekeepers mobilise specific cultural repertoires and by doing so draw ethno-racial boundaries when discussing acquisition, assessing quality and positioning themselves in the literary field. We argue that literary publishers and other professionals (selectively) employ an ‘old school’ modernist repertoire that especially values the formal aspects of literary products, by which non-white writers and publishers concerned with diversity are often positioned in an identity politics framework. Their work is said to take in a less prestigious ‘political’/’subjective’ position rather than a ‘literary’/‘universal’ one. As such, this paper informs on how gatekeepers’ practices shape the position of non-white authors in the Dutch literary field. 相似文献
109.
This article responds to calls in this journal for increased attention to identity, culture, power and sport. It explores, for the first time, the lived realities of identity politics in a divided society, through interviews with 12 self-declared Irish nationalists and republicans that represented Northern Ireland. Important insights are revealed into national eligibility decisions for either Irish team, motivated mainly by ‘shop window’ visibility and being seen as the best of a peer group. Political and sporting nationalisms were not necessarily analogous. A significant original finding is that the lived experiences of being closer to ‘the other’ resulted in an overall reinforcement rather than dissolution of difference. Visual and oral ‘national’ symbols such as flag, and especially anthem, delineated such difference, being symbolic walls of the mind. ‘Our wee country’ was thus a polarised and polarising fantasy shield. The article concludes by reconsidering the role of sport as a lens through which to examine identity and its’ place as part of the ‘problem’ and ‘solution’. 相似文献
110.
Erin Cameron Pamela Ward Sue Ann Mandville-Anstey Alyssa Coombs 《Journal of women & aging》2019,31(1):3-17
While most body image research has focused on young female populations, evidence has shown that as few as 12% of older women are satisfied with their body size. Recent studies have also highlighted how anti-aging discourses are promoting unrealistic body norms, which have shown to contribute to poor body image and altered health behaviors. A systematic review of empirical studies focused on older women’s perspectives of health, body image, and the aging body is presented. Findings support that body image is a persistent, lifelong issue for women and should be considered when implementing healthy aging policies and practices. 相似文献