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11.
遭受性侵害的女性,其巨大的痛苦往往不仅仅来自直接的性侵害行为所造成的身体伤害本身,而且还来自侦查和诉讼过程中对女性人格权、隐私权的第二次侵害。文章就许多媒体纷纷报道的某地警方为抓获犯罪嫌疑人而设计“二次强奸”的抓捕方案,让被害人再次受辱一案为背景,论述了刑事警察在侦破女性性受害案中应注意的几个问题:要充分认识性侵害案的严重性及其特点;树立科学、人性的侦查理念;要及时立案和安抚受害人;在侦查过程中要注意对女性性受害人的保护;加大宣传力度和提高破案技术。  相似文献   
12.
1933年,陈果夫主政江苏以后,江苏省政府对烟毒的查禁改放任为统制,要求保甲长和军警进行检举和查挤。不过,由于联保连坐的压力、官员自上而下的纵向压力、硬性指标和数字攀比的横向压力,不仅造成了保甲长的滥举和军警的滥捕现象,还导致了诬告和索诈的盛行。因此,禁烟禁毒运动并未达到预期的目标。  相似文献   
13.
对暴力使用权的合法垄断是国家权力的本质特征,国家对暴力的垄断集中体现在军队和警察身上,警察的暴力垄断使用权是其对内政治表达和稳定秩序的需要。目前。我国的警察权设置过于狭隘,已不能满足社会和民众的需要。调整现在的警察机构设置和警察权的设定,成为我国行政体制改革、建设服务型政府的当务之急,也是我国警察体制改革的必由之路。同时,只有采用新的工作原则和制度安排,才能使分散化的警察机构设置产生更大的效用,发挥机构分散化带来的优势,克服分散化带来的劣势,推进警察和社会安全体系的建设。  相似文献   
14.
This paper offers an analysis of crime in the Palestinian society in Israel from the perspective of political relationships. It illustrates that the state of Israel is trying to define and identify crime through ideologies and narrow interests. This process is part of a mechanism of control, which intends to criminalize the daily life of the Palestinians. Discriminatory behavior against Arabs by police is more apparent and the records on crime are sometimes inaccessible, with a mania for secrecy, and view the whole Arab community as a security danger. The Israeli social control policy politicizes this community, with excess control in some areas and a lack of control in others. The paper concludes that no detailed arguments are needed in order to see the ineffectiveness of the Israeli control policy as long as the basic root of the political struggle is not answered.  相似文献   
15.
Police face a unique dilemma when policing protests that explicitly target them, such as the anti-police brutality protests that have swept the United States recently. Because extant research finds that police response to protests is largely a function of the threat – and especially the threat to police – posed by a protest, police may repress these protests more than other protests, as they may constitute a challenge to their legitimacy as a profession. Other research suggests police agencies are strongly motivated by reputational concerns, suggesting they may treat these protests with special caution to avoid further public scrutiny. Using data on over 7,000 protests events in New York over a 35-year period from 1960 to 1995, I test these competing hypotheses and find that police respond to protests making anti-police brutality claims much more aggressively than other protests, after controlling for indicators of threat and weakness used in previous studies. Police are about twice as likely to show up to anti-police brutality protests compared with otherwise similar protests making other claims and, once there, they intervene (either make arrests, use force or violence against protesters, or both) at nearly half of these protests, compared to about one in three protests making other claims.  相似文献   
16.
Engaging non-conventional gatekeepers such as the police presents both promises and perils. Although studies have relied on police data for researching suicide and other sensitive topics in Africa, there is a paucity of literature that explores or reflects on police gatekeeping and its research implications. This paper presents authors’ reflections on police gatekeeping in a qualitative suicide study in Accra, Ghana. The main observation is that the process was double-edged. On the one hand, it led to field delays and costs, (mis)apprehensions and positionality problems, and trust building challenges. On the other hand, it vouched for research(er) credibility, provided therapeutic openings, and facilitated the viability of research with the suicide bereaved. Sensitivity to research context, sensitising the police, and reinforcing ‘therapeutic-research discourse’ with participants, are recommended means for aligning participants’ goals to research goals and for achieving therapeutic disclosures.  相似文献   
17.
This street participatory action research (Street PAR) study organized 15 residents to document street‐identified Black youth and adult's negative experiences with police in Wilmington, Delaware. Data were collected on mostly street‐identified Black men and women aged 18–35 in the forms of (1) 520 surveys, (2) 24 individual interviews, (3) four dual interviews, (4) three group interviews, and (5) extensive field observations. Forty‐two percent of survey participants reported being stopped by police in the last year. However, with the exception of being “stopped,” participants overall reported little negative contact with police at least within the past year. Chi‐square and ANOVA analyses suggest an interactional relationship exists between race, gender, and age on experiences with police. Younger Black men (18–21) were found to have the most negative contact with police. Analysis suggests a smaller, more hardened mostly male variant of the larger street community has had repeated contact with police. Qualitative analysis reveals at least two major themes: (1) disrespect and disdain for residents and (2) low motivation for working with police. Street PAR methodology was also found to be instrumental in working with local residents and the Wilmington Police Department to improve conditions between residents and police.  相似文献   
18.
This essay serves as a response to Hirschfield's (2015) article, “Lethal Policing: Making Sense of American Exceptionalism,” published in the December 2015 issue of this journal.  相似文献   
19.
Police and scholars note that successful crime fighting requires police and residents to “co‐produce” public safety. However, residents are often reluctant to get involved in policing initiatives or even report crimes they witness. One possible means of stimulating resident involvement in crime‐control activities is through neighborhood organizations. This research, conducted on 1,313 residents of 42 neighborhoods in western South Carolina, investigates whether neighborhood organization participation increases the likelihood of assisting police in crime‐control efforts. Results indicate that organization participants are more likely to assist police than are nonparticipants, even after controlling for social cohesion, perceptions of police legitimacy, various policing strategies, fear of crime, and demographic factors.  相似文献   
20.
Austin Turk theorizes that places in stratification hierarchies affect police–citizen encounters by reinforcing or reversing the positional authority of police officers. To this point, however, there have been only three direct tests of the stratification portions of Turk's theory. Two examined overt conflict and all represented Turk's concepts using aggregated measures. The results are mixed. The present research adds a fourth test to the stratification and policing literatures by examining the effects of aggregated as well as disaggregated measures of stratification reinforcers and reversals on traffic ticket decisions by Boston police officers during April and May of 2001. Net of important control measures, there is no support for Turk's theory using the aggregated stratification measures employed in previous research. However, support for Turk's theory is clearly visible when viewed through the lens of some of the disaggregated stratification measures advanced for the first time in present research. We conclude that more research is needed to determine whether stratification reinforcers and reversals are among the factors affecting people in police blue and the people they police, with a sustained focus on both aggregated and disaggregated measures.  相似文献   
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