加强高校贫困生的思想政治教育工作

高校贫困生是一个社会热点问题,他们的学习状况,生活状况及心理状况令人堪忧,加强高校贫困生的思想政治教育已刻不容缓,高校在给予贫困生物质帮助的同时,精神帮助同等重要,只有这样,才能双管齐下,高校贫困生将不再“贫困”。     

“经济人”理念下的中国行政伦理建设

追求利益最大化是"经济人"的特征.这种"经济人"理念的植入并内化是我国改革开放、建立社会主义市场经济的必然结果,是现代社会进步的表现.但基于"经济人"追求最大化利益的倾向,其在行政领域的适用,引发了行政人恪守行政伦理的困厄:追求自身利益与代表公共利益的矛盾;对上负责与回应民众的矛盾;为政绩而政绩的"政治作秀".笔者以为,"经济人"理念下的行政伦理建设必须从转变观念、引入市场竞争机制、制度伦理等层面入手.     

论现代科技创新的社会环境

现代科技创新不仅仅是单个个人的分散活动，更是一种社会性的协作活动。因此，要有效地进行现代科技创新就必须具有适宜的社会环境。这种社会环境主要涉及三方面因素：一是社会需要。它为科技创新提出目标任务，提供精神动力，并为科技创新成果的推广提供条件。二是良好稳定的政治环境。良好的政治环境可以保障科技人员的合法地位和人身安全，保证科技人员的丰富资源，凸现高效率的科技社会建制，提供有力的财政支持。三是人文因素。它主要包括伦理道德、传统、宗教，社会学科中的文学、艺术、哲学、历史等。这三方面因素相互作用，共同构成科技创新的社会环境。     

政治与行政的关联与公共管理伦理维度的开显

权利哲学的展开必然要求采用现代民主政体,因为只有它能使公民平等的政治权利和道德人格得到制度化实现。政治国家及其意志的执行者———公共行政机构的工作都是为了使民主政体和宪法运行顺畅。民主政体塑造了现代社会的公共伦理关系,其公共伦理价值对公共管理活动产生了实质性的规范力量,并使其实现公共正义的价值目标。     

论高校思想政治理论课的历史教育方法取向

高校思想政治理论课目标的实现,必须坚持历史唯物主义的价值立场,把历史教育方法作为基本方法。通过对历史教育方法科学内涵的阐述和其作为基本方法的缘由论证,指出运用历史资源及其方法原理实现思政教育主体与客体之间双向沟通的作用,充分利用和发掘历史资源的育人功能,让大学生把握知识源流,强化历史认同,构筑理想信念根基。教学中要以多样化的教学载体创建为有效路径,改进和提升高校思想政治理论课教学的实际效果。     

主题教育法在大学生思想政治教育中的运用

主题教育法是我国大学生思想政治教育的有效方法,有助于指引大学生的思想、凝聚大学生的情感、规范大学生的行为。经过多年的实践探索,主题教育法在具体运用中取得了良好的效果,但同时也存在着前瞻性不够、实施方式不活、品牌意识不强等方面的问题。解决这些问题的关键在于根据国家目标、学校精神和学生特点,积极优化大学生思想政治教育中主题教育法运用的原则、步骤和艺术。     

中华书局点校本《晋书·乐志》校勘商榷

中华书局点校本《晋书》由吴则虞、唐长孺、杨伯峻等学界前辈整理完成,取得了很高的学术成就,是目前最权威的《晋书》版本。但不可否认的是,由于主客观条件限制等多方面原因,该书在校勘上还存在一些缺陷和不足。本文是笔者校读该书《乐志》部分形成的札记,现整理出来,以供参考,期望能对《晋书》的整理完善及阅读使用有所助益。     

Dancing Ourselves to Death: The Subject of Emma Goldman's Nietzschean Anarchism

Abstract

This article draws together two lively and provocative radical theorists, Emma Goldman and Friedrich Nietzsche, and suggests that a reading at their intersections can inspire political thought, action, and resistance in particular ways. The argument is framed through and productive of a particular archetype which emerges from a reading of these thinkers, that of The Dancer. Both Goldman and Nietzsche have been noted for their affect-laden reflections on dance, as an image of the subject which evades capture within the frameworks of discipline, morality, and ressentiment and which instead commits to a ceaseless and creative insurrection of- and- against the self. Here, I argue that through this image of The Dancer we can conceptualise a form of critical or anarchic subjectivity which can provocatively interpret and inspire radical political action. In the article I look at some of the ways in which dance has formed an important component of radical politics. However I also argue that dance as understood in the terms established through Goldman and Nietzsche moves beyond corporeal performance, indicating a more general ethos of the subject, one of perpetual movement, creativity, and auto-insurrection. I also reflect on the difficulties involved in the idea of ‘self-creation’; as we can see from the more problematic dimensions of Goldman's thought, creation is an ethically and ontologically ambiguous concept which, when affirmed too easily, can serve to mask the subtleties by which relations of domination persist. With this in mind, the article goes on to discuss what it might mean to ‘dance to death’, to negotiate the burden of transvaluation, limitless responsibility, and perpetual struggle which these two thinkers evoke, in the service of a creative and limitless radical political praxis.     

World Culture,Uncoupling, Institutional Logics,and Recoupling: Practices and Self‐Identification as Institutional Microfoundations of Political Violence

This study proposes a micro‐institutional theory of political violence, according to which citizens' participation in political violence is partially an outcome of tight coupling of persons' practices and self‐identifications with institutional logics opposed to dominant logics associated with world culture, such as the nation‐state and gender equality. The study focuses on two types of institutional carriers through which persons adopt institutional logics: routine practices and self‐identifications associated with three institutional logics: the familial, the ethnic, and the religious logics. Using a 15‐country survey data from early twenty‐first‐century sub‐Saharan Africa, the study finds evidence in support of the theory. Reported participation in political violence is associated with practices and self‐identifications uncoupled from dominant world‐culture logics but tightly coupled with the patriarchal familial logic, with an oppositional ethnic logic, and with a politicized oppositional religious logic.     

《费尔巴哈论》与高校思想政治教育话语权的当代构建

社会主义市场经济迅速发展的时代背景下,社会思潮、文化激流互相涌动、碰撞,给高校思想政治教育带来了前所未有的挑战。找寻思想政治领域话语权的法理依据,真正从理论到实践层面重塑高校思想政治教育的话语权,是高校学生工作的题中之义。以《费尔巴哈论》为理论指导,探讨其当代构建,对进一步提升思想政治教育话语权意识,拓宽高校思想政治教育工作的视野,构建我国思想政治教育的理论和方法,具有重要的理论和实践意义。