我国的边疆治理研究

边疆是一个国家特殊的区域,中国古代由于没有确定的边界,所以把王朝国家统治的边缘地带视为边疆,这样的地区也是少数民族生活的区域,所以也被视为民族地区。近代以后,特别是随着民族国家的建立,国家有了确定的边界,因而形成了以边界界定边疆的方式。由此界定的边疆,就是国家邻近边界的地区。中国自古以来都十分重视边疆治理,并取得了巨大的成就。但是,边疆问题的解决不是一劳永逸的,旧有的边疆问题解决了,新的问题还会产生。因此,边疆治理是一个不断常新的过程。今天,中国还面临着发展、稳定和安全三大边疆问题,不仅要进行边疆治理,而且要根据形势的变化对边疆治理进行重构,促进和加强边疆治理。     

Toward a teacher solidarity lens: former teachers of color (re)envisioning educational research

Based on a two-year self-study by a group of early-career scholars of color, we explore and purposefully name our role, within the contemporary context of neoliberal reform, as educational researchers of color who are former K-12 teachers. We capture the insights that emerged from our self-study through a close reading of dominant neoliberal educational reform discourses, particularly through an examination of the writings of Michelle Rhee and Wendy Kopp. Along three dimensions of: (1) experience as teachers; (2) solidarity with teachers; and (3) analyses of racism in schooling, we characterize prominent discourses through which educators, researchers, and the public describe teachers and teaching. We name these discursive frames to make explicit the assumptions that are embedded in each and the intentional or inadvertent consequences of each. Finally, we propose a teacher solidarity lens through which we strive to approach our research and work with teachers.     

The Normativity of the Concept of Heteronormativity

The aim of the article is to analyze and to critically examine use of the concept of heteronormativity. We find it important to adjust the concept to some extent in order to analyze, for example, changes occurring in homosexual families, contemporary gender-equal families, or the progressive youth culture. We find two approaches when using the concept. One minimizes the importance of how sexual practices are embedded in social institutions. The first approach becomes too idealistic, whereas the second approach often is based on a structural view of society. This approach makes it hard to imagine a transformation of the family that could lead to more equal and democratic relations in contemporary families. We suggest a third approach, and the possibility of finding creative ways of analyzing actual change and contestations of heteronormativity. An approach containing a space of reflexivity and aiming at political change both involving subjects as well as structures.     

对马恩有关文艺与意识形态关系理论的再认识--兼与董学文的有关观点商榷

笼统地把文艺视为意识形态,或认为文艺是与意识形态相适应的社会意识形式,具意识形态性,都把文艺泛意识形态化。这些观点既不符合马克思《政治经济学批判序言》的原意,也不符合中外文学史的实际。马克思在《序言》中明确把文艺视为一定基础上的社会意识形式,其中部分属于意识形态文艺。文学史上存在着大量的非意识形态文艺和带意识形态性文艺。马克思关于意识形态和自由的精神生产区别的观点,说明应使意识形态文艺和自由生产的文艺并行不悖的发展。     

For better,for worse? Public support for the capitalist model of the economy

A capitalist market economy is based on several institutional elements, such as private ownership and competition. Does public support for this economic model rise if the economy prospers, and fall during a downturn? Or is public support largely independent of the ups and downs of economic cycles? We hypothesize that positive economic performance increases support and that persons profiting personally are more supportive of the economic system's constitutive institutional elements. Using multilevel regression we study the determinants of individual-level support for the economic system. We also test for differences in the perception of economic performance due to political attitudes and personal properties. The findings partly support the hypotheses, indicating that macro-economic factors matter for individual-level attitudes towards the economy. Attitudes towards different institutional elements of the economic system also differ in the degree to which they are political or economic, and influenced by economic performance. Individual features – education and personal economic stakes – affect attitudes towards the economy, but a substantial share of the individual-level variation in economic attitudes remains unexplained.     

西方国家意识形态扩张的现代性路径及应对方略

生态、潮流、反恐、普世等问题已异化为西方意识形态扩张的现代性路径;从全球化趋势的形成和发展、主流意识形态建设的弱化、新媒体发展和普及等方面着力分析西方意识形态扩张现代性路径的诸多原因,加强马克思主义意识形态宣传教育、提升马克思主义意识形态交往的主动权和影响力、促进社会发展和惠民建设等进行应对。     

Violence in the name of god? A framing processes approach to the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria

Since summer 2014, the insurgent group ‘Islamic State in Iraq and Syria’ (ISIS) has become a major concern for international politics and global security due to its rapid territorial gains, violent operations and the propagation of Salafi-jihadist ideology. This study aims to enhance the academic understanding of ISIS by demystifying the ideological reasoning behind its use of violence. It therefore investigates the link between structural factors that served ISIS’s evolution, its ideological outlook and the significance of this ideology to legitimize violent action. As its theoretical basis, the study employs framing processes within the study of social movements. Methodologically, discursive frame analysis serves to explore the relation of ISIS’s ideology to structural events and experiences to better understand how the group justifies violence. Therefore, the study draws on audio speeches and issues of the magazines Dabiq and Dar al-Islam published by ISIS, which are examined on the rhetoric of othering, collective identity and justifying violence. It is argued that ISIS constructs a collective action frame which creates a social reality that bestows the group with a rationale for action. ISIS’s ideology, based on Islamic symbolism, presents an interpretative lens which assigns meaning to the structural environment of ISIS’s emergence. In this context, violence is justified as a necessity to defend Islam and as an obligation for the true Muslim believer. The discussion concludes that ISIS’s ideology legitimizes the very existence of the group and conceals its mundane struggle for power, territory and wealth through reference to divine authority.     

English and discourses of commodification among tourism workers in the Himalayas

In this article, I investigate commodification discourses and ideologies of English from the perspective of Nepali tourism workers. Drawing data from interviews with porters and trekking guides in Nepal, I argue that English is not seen as merely a transactional means to convey meaning; it works in combination with the traditional form of labor and care in the local economy, establishing itself as a powerful tool to establish closer interpersonal relationships, enhance such interpersonal relationships for economic gains and commodify local identities and cultures in the tourism market. The interview and ethnographic details show that language learners are agentive and capable of making sense of their actions by positioning themselves variously in terms of ethnicity, economic class and job category. These workers think that tourists' linguistic and financial resources are the empowering tools that enable them to travel to locations that they want. They also want to empower themselves with English skills and translocal imaginaries to travel and see the world beyond their immediate reach. Repertoires in English are considered as instruments to mediate their imaginaries and the foreign worlds they want to be part of.     

The Promethean role of Europe: changing narratives of the political and scholarly left

ABSTRACT

The gradual abandoning of the ‘socialism in one country’ doctrine during the post-war period and the intensive transformation of European social democracy in the 1990s pushed social democratic politicians and intellectuals into the front line of advocates of a unified and powerful Europe. They contributed to the inclusion of social democratic and environmentalist values in the EU’s official narrative. The success of European integration and George W. Bush’s presidency created the narrative of the Promethean role of Europe. Scholars with a social democratic or environmentalist background created this narrative and it was also shaped by authors’ national contexts.     

马克思主义意识形态在我国法治建设中的作用

法治总与一定社会的政治、经济、文化紧密相连,它不能脱离社会生活条件而抽象存在。法的关系正像国家的形式一样,既不能从它们本身去理解,也不能从所谓人类精神的一般发展来理解,相反,它们根源于物质的生活关系。按照历史唯物主义的观点,我国的法治建设是建立在我国的社会主义经济基础之上的,我国的法治建设遵循马克思主义有关上层建筑是经济基础反映的客观规律;而马克思主义意识形态是以历史唯物主义为世界观基础,反映无产阶级的根本经济政治利益的、自觉的、系统化的思想观念体系,是对当前我国基本国情的科学反映。那么,马克思主义意识形态与我国的法治建设二者有没有关系呢？如果有,那它们之间是什么关系呢？试图通过论证马克思主义意识形态在我国法治建设中的作用,以期客观地揭示二者的关系。