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62.
Michelle A. Fardella Priscilla Burnham Riosa Jonathan A. Weiss 《Disability & Society》2018,33(9):1460-1481
AbstractIndividuals on the autism spectrum are at an increased risk of experiencing violence. This study sought to understand the opinions of adults on the spectrum regarding potential risk and protective factors for interpersonal violence. Twenty-two adults (12 men; 18 to 53 years of age) participated in semi-structured qualitative interviews. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and analysed. The results of the qualitative analysis identified individual and contextual risk and protective factors. Protective themes focused on individual needs (awareness of the self and the environment, interpersonal knowledge/skills, skill building strategies) and supportive contexts (benefits of a trusted person, advocates, fostering acceptance and inclusion). There is a need for strategies to decrease the vulnerability to, and the impact of, interpersonal violence. Individuals on the spectrum have the capacity to provide important information regarding safety promotion and risk factors for interpersonal violence, and their expertise should play a role in guiding efforts that promote safety. 相似文献
63.
钟如雄 《佳木斯大学社会科学学报》2009,27(5):50-53
《诗经.周南.关雎》之"好逑",前贤诠释众多,均无公论。本文认为"好逑"当释为"喜欢的女性伴侣"。根据如下。(1)《诗经》时代,"仇"与"雠"是同源关系,而与"逑"既无同源关系,亦不能通用。段玉裁、闻一多等前贤说"逑、仇古多通用"、"逑、仇古通",是没有根据的结论。(2)"逑"是为"求(裘)"的引申义"敛聚"、"女性配偶"等造的区别字,由此"逑"与"求(裘)"构成了同源关系。《关雎》篇中的"逑"专称女性配偶,而不包含男性伴侣。(3)战国以后"仇"的词义外延扩大了,覆盖了所有的伴侣或朋友,不再专称男性伴侣或朋友,故时人引用《诗经》或有将"好逑"引作"好仇"者,由此而形成异文,尽管如此"逑"仍不与"仇"通用,"逑"虽能写作"仇",但"仇"却不能写作"逑"。(4)国人喜欢用"衣服"来比喻妻子、女友。这种习俗来源久远。古人最早就用裘衣来比喻性爱中的女伴、女友,于是"求"和"逑"就具有了称呼女性配偶的词义特征。(5)《关雎》的"好逑"是指男人"喜欢的女性伴侣",这类被喜欢的女性伴侣因久久追求而不易得手,故男人视之为"怨匹"、"冤家",今人或称"欢喜冤家",亦就是《关雎》所谓"好逑"。 相似文献
64.
方金华 《河北工程大学学报(社会科学版)》2008,25(1):50-53
家庭暴力的存在由来己久,但由于家庭暴力发生在家庭内部,远离公众视线,很难被外界知晓。欧美许多国家不断加强对家庭暴力的研究,治理家庭暴力的各种法制措施不断完善。我国由于现代法制起步较晚,法制不够健全,司法机关对家庭暴力缺少全面的主动介入,导致家庭暴力得不到应有的关注和司法救济。通过对部分发达国家司法介入家庭暴力途径的研究,并结合当前我国司法介入实践,提出一些相应的方法来完善我国司法介入家庭暴力的规制。 相似文献
65.
Jan Grill 《Journal of ethnic and migration studies》2018,44(7):1136-1155
This article draws on long-term fieldwork among Slovak Roma migrants, identifying processes through which a haunting figure of the Roma migrant emerges across Europe, to argue for more differentiated accounts of continuing and emerging forms of racialisation. It explores how the movement of Roma (whose bodies are marked by their racialised ‘darkness’ in Slovakia) to Britain granted them a temporary escape from this modality of branding while simultaneously exposing them to different categorisations within a re-configuring classificatory matrix. The article develops the concept of ‘migrating racialisation’ in order to empirically trace how historically developed forms of racialisation in Slovakia migrate across Europe through the movement of Roma and non-Roma migrants from Eastern Europe, as well as through particular forms of knowledge circulating within transnational fields constituted not only by Roma migrants themselves but also by various institutions for ‘managing’ or ‘researching’ ‘the Roma’. This concept allows us to analyse how the recent forms of racialisation simultaneously draw on heterogenous histories and nation-state formations, social conditions and sedimented bodily dispositions, which are re-adjusted to new social conditions, discourses and emerging forms of knowledge produced about Roma migrants over the last decade in British and European contexts. 相似文献
66.
We explored the influences of women's social learning, marital resources and constraints, and exposure to norms about women's family roles on their views about wife hitting or beating among 5,450 participants in the 2005 Egypt Demographic and Health Survey. One half justified wife hitting or beating for some reason. Women from rural areas who were exposed to domestic violence more often justified such acts. Dependent wives whose husbands had more schooling, were blood relatives, and were coresident more often justified such acts. In settings where women tended to marry at older ages, women less often justified such acts. Women's resources and constraints in marriage accounted for the largest share of the variability in their attitudes about domestic violence against women. 相似文献
67.
Ryoa Chung 《International Review of Sociology》2009,19(3):489-507
This article aims to examine the pertinence as well as the limits of the just war theory in order to apprehend the ethical issues raised by contemporary forms of political violence. Terrorism is undoubtedly an extreme case of political violence that puts to the test the theoretical and practical relevance of jus ad bellum and jus in bello principles. From a sociological point of view, it appears necessary to understand contemporary terrorism within the historical evolution of armed conflicts and under the light of current research devoted to the concept of ‘new wars’. Although I will argue that just war theory does not sufficiently take into account current studies on the empirical features of contemporary wars, it is nonetheless possible to salvage the theoretical and practical relevance of just war theory in a more specified sense. From a philosophical point of view, the goal of this article is to confront the theoretical and practical relevance of just war theory with the current body of research in the field of the sociology of war in order to assess both its limitations and its potential scope. 相似文献
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69.
Lucia C. Lykke 《Feminist Media Studies》2016,16(2):239-260
Prior research on media representations of race, gender, and sexual violence has established that media emphasize women’s role in preventing their own victimization and omit Black women as victims. This study uses feminist intersectionality to build on prior research by investigating not only how social groups are portrayed, but whether and how the intended audience matters for media representations. Specifically, who are the portrayed victims of sexual violence, and how is fear of sexual violence communicated to different audiences? Content analysis of articles in race- and gender-specific magazines shows two key mechanisms of representation through which racism and sexism work together: visibility and denial. Results show that White women are hypervisible as victims while Black women as victims are relatively invisible compared to Black men’s persecution and Black children’s victimization; men’s magazines deny the importance of sexual violence as a problem, focusing on false accusations and convictions. These narratives go largely unchallenged regardless of the source’s intended audience, demonstrating that portrayals of sexual violence are both gendered and racialized across multiple media sources. 相似文献
70.
Joana Westphal 《Social movement studies》2018,17(1):19-34
Since summer 2014, the insurgent group ‘Islamic State in Iraq and Syria’ (ISIS) has become a major concern for international politics and global security due to its rapid territorial gains, violent operations and the propagation of Salafi-jihadist ideology. This study aims to enhance the academic understanding of ISIS by demystifying the ideological reasoning behind its use of violence. It therefore investigates the link between structural factors that served ISIS’s evolution, its ideological outlook and the significance of this ideology to legitimize violent action. As its theoretical basis, the study employs framing processes within the study of social movements. Methodologically, discursive frame analysis serves to explore the relation of ISIS’s ideology to structural events and experiences to better understand how the group justifies violence. Therefore, the study draws on audio speeches and issues of the magazines Dabiq and Dar al-Islam published by ISIS, which are examined on the rhetoric of othering, collective identity and justifying violence. It is argued that ISIS constructs a collective action frame which creates a social reality that bestows the group with a rationale for action. ISIS’s ideology, based on Islamic symbolism, presents an interpretative lens which assigns meaning to the structural environment of ISIS’s emergence. In this context, violence is justified as a necessity to defend Islam and as an obligation for the true Muslim believer. The discussion concludes that ISIS’s ideology legitimizes the very existence of the group and conceals its mundane struggle for power, territory and wealth through reference to divine authority. 相似文献