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11.
ABSTRACT

Contemporary Detroit has gone through many changes – or so it appears. From streets lined with vehicles made by Chrysler, Ford, and General Motors and driven by the nearly 2 million people who called the city home in 1950 to certain parts of the city looking like ghost towns; from a population that dwindled to 670,000 to the revival of downtown. Yet, what has been remarkably consistent is the invisibility of the Motor City’s Indigenous population. Indeed, Indigenous erasure, combined with rhetoric and policies that continue to marginalize and subjugate African Americans in Detroit, create a place rooted in multiple colonialisms. This essay examines how Detroit’s Indigenous Hip Hop artists resist settler colonialism through art, creativity, and culture as well as the practices of Detroit 2.0, a rhetoric and policy used by Detroit elites to reimagine it as a place of opportunity. By making visible the connections between blackness and indigeneity, as well as by linking the struggle of colonized peoples in Detroit to those in Palestine, Indigenous artists are not only asserting their humanity and challenging the longstanding idea of their erasure, but also constructing pathways for artists and activists to disrupt the effects of multiple colonialisms that continue to marginalize people of colour in urban areas. Detroit’s Indigenous Hip Hop artists make socially conscious music and also participate as activists in the city of Detroit. They serve as a window onto contemporary Indigenous identity, represent an exemplar of the urban Indigenous experience, and combine activism with art in a variety of ways.  相似文献   
12.
The paper develops a CGE macro-model for Palestine, departing in three fundamental ways from the set-up applied in earlier studies. The present framework: (i) reformulates the modelling of fiscal policy in light of context-specific elements, including the absence of a government bond market and the incomplete transfer of revenues collected by Israel for the PNA; (ii) endogenizes private capital flows; (iii) postulates a demand-driven causality structure. Various policy scenarios are then assessed, with one crucial novelty: the overall effect of further trade liberalization turns out to be slightly contractionary, due to its fiscal implications.  相似文献   
13.
阿拉伯国家在摆脱殖民压迫,建立独立国家后,国家主权意识不断加强,大多数阿拉伯国家在处理巴以问题时,逐渐把本国的国家利益放在了首位。二战后,阿拉伯国家在意识形态领域经历了从阿拉伯民族主义到国家民族主义的演变过程。这一过程也是阿拉伯国家承认以色列、与以色列和解的过程。没有阿拉伯国家在思想领域的这一变化,就不会有中东和平进程。  相似文献   
14.
This paper investigates the economy-wide effects of cross-border movements of Palestinian labor for employment in Israel. The integration of Palestinian and Israeli labor markets is unique, as it differs from international labor migration and associated remittances described in the literature. Especially, it departs from the cultural and social dimensions associated with international migration because there is no shift in residence. We find based on an economy-wide model calibrated to a newly developed database of the West Bank economy that increasing Palestinian labor demand in Israel negatively affects the West Bank economy by bidding up domestic wages, reallocating labor away from tradable activities and reducing competitiveness of the Palestinian export sector. However, increasing labor income from Israel has positive welfare effects for Palestinian households. Considering these results, the paper identifies policy options for the Palestinian National Authority.  相似文献   
15.
20世纪六十年代以来,巴勒斯坦非政府组织得到很大发展并且日渐成熟。它们不仅在巴勒斯坦的社会和经济发展中扮演重要角色,而且在巴勒斯坦建国、巴民主进程以及巴以和平进程中都发挥着重要作用。在特殊的政治和社会环境下,巴非政府组织面临一系列挑战。但在推动国内政治和解以及巴以和平的进程中,巴非政府组织必须而且也有可能发挥更加积极和重要的作用。  相似文献   
16.
巴以冲突久拖不决,不仅使巴勒斯坦局势风云变幻,同时也使巴勒斯坦非政府组织的生存和发展的环境变得复杂。本文试图从巴勒斯坦非政府组织的产生、作用以及未来的发展趋势等方面展开研究,以期对巴勒斯坦非政府组织有一个比较深刻和全面的认识。  相似文献   
17.
In recent years, Israel has seen an increase in disability studies scholarship and disability rights activism. At the same time, critical disability studies scholars have begun calling attention to the role of colonization and neocolonial powers, too often obscured in disability studies work, in disabling oppressed nations. This article brings these critiques in conversation with disability studies scholarship regarding Occupied Palestine to argue that disability is inextricably intertwined with the settler-colonial project of the Israeli state. By highlighting the geopolitical production of disablement, this work suggests that social approaches to disability have largely effaced disability injustice rooted in geopolitical power imbalances.  相似文献   
18.
Scenario analysis suggests that by 2050 the population of Israel, the West Bank and Gaza will grow from its current 10 million to between 14 and 28 million. The scenarios developed are compared to available water resources and assessed for their viability. With all scenarios, except very high population growth in the context of inadequate co-operation between Israel and Palestine, the water resource needs of the entire population can be met. The analysis suggests that water need not be an obstacle to peace or economic development in the region.  相似文献   
19.
What political, economic, religious, and emotional factors are involved in a person's decision to kill civilians and military personnel through the sacrifice of his or her own life? Data for this research were secondary analyses of interviews with Islamic martyrs, as well as their leaders’ speeches. This investigation into the cultural‐psychological explanations for Islamic martyrdom leads to a model explaining a person's decision to carry out the mission as resulting from a combination of four factors: the historical‐cultural context, group processes, immediate and anticipated rewards, and mechanisms to eradicate possible doubts and guilt regarding this decision. Compared to existing models, this model is more integrative and focused on the psychological processes involved.  相似文献   
20.
This paper draws on the results of a study carried out in the West Bank, in 1999, to explore the role of education as a coping strategy among the children of Palestinian refugees, and to examine how the state of being refugees affects perceptions of the value and importance of education. The paper first reviews the background to the development of a formal education system in Palestine and considers the different approaches to education in different political contexts, with ensuing particular reference to the West Bank. The findings of the regional study are then reported, with special reference to the various functions of education as a coping strategy—remedial, incentive‐mobilizing and identity‐building. Education, for those who have lost their property and whose identity is under threat, emerges as a key channel for maintaining consciousness of collective rights.  相似文献   
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