干群关系与村委会选举中的群体性事件

村委会换届选举中的群体性事件正呈现多发之势。村委会选举中的群体性事件是农村干群矛盾激化的结果,凸显了干群矛盾的严重性和危险性,也表明以此为契机,构建良性互动的干群关系的紧迫性。密切干群关系,依法妥善处置村委会选举中的群体性事件,需要完善村民自治的法律制度,加强对干部的管理与教育,重塑政府形象,提高农民群众政治参与制度化的水平和完善农民群众利益诉求的表达机制。     

基层党组织有限介入：农村社区“两委”候选人的当选逻辑——基于政策文本分析

作为农村社区“两委”换届选举的关键步骤,农村社区“两委”候选人的产生备受关注。借助街道党组织社区“两委”候选人换届政策文本,勾勒出社区“两委”候选人在基层党组织设定的双重候选条件下的当选逻辑,并以fs-QCA定性比较分析法对社区“两委”候选人胜出资质进行检验。结果显示,良好群众基础是潜在候选胜出的必要条件,同时具备群众基础和政绩两要素是潜在候选人胜出的有效途径;仅凭借经济实力或宗族势力等资源禀赋并不能使其成为“两委”正式候选人;街道组织部门受政治稳定逻辑驱使,往往采取多样化策略减少社区选举“变数”。因此,基层党组织对农村社区“两委”选举过程的有限介入并非有损基层民主质量,相反,它使农村社区选举表现出有别于乡村选举的优良特质。     

Searching for the “Sleeping Giant”: Racialized News Coverage of Latinos Pre-2020 Elections

Latinos are often thought as potential game changers in the political world in the United States. As the media discusses and analyzes the 2016 election and the path to the 2020 elections, narratives on the role of Latinos leading up to the 2020 election have started to emerge. In this article, I seek to examine how U.S. daily newspapers frame the role of Latinos in the 2016 election and leading up to the 2020 elections. Previous literature has focused on the racialized media coverage of African American politicians and the effects of racial priming; however, extant literature has not explored how Latinos are framed in U.S. media when it comes to electoral politics. Using a sample of newspaper articles from the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Washington Post, and Wall Street Journal, I found that newspapers largely focus on the demographic changes while operating under various assumptions about those changes. First, newspapers frame Latinos as more likely to vote for a politician if they are Latino. Second, they construct Latinos as a monolithic ethnoracial group that has simplistic interests in immigration. Third, Latino voters and African American voters are often lumped into the same category when discussing mobilization. These narratives continue a tradition of framing Latinos in monolithic ways, while also showing slight departures from previous narratives.     

Another Issue Comes Out: Gay Rights Policy Voting in Recent U.S. Presidential Elections

Drawing from the theory of policy voting, this study examines the impact of opinions about gay rights on voting for presidential candidates. Qualitative analysis of the major party platforms and candidate campaign rhetoric from the six presidential elections held between 1988 and 2008 indicates that Democratic and Republican presidential candidates began openly expressing opposing positions on gay rights issues in 1992. Quantitative analysis of public opinion shows that, starting in 1992 and continuing through 2008, gay rights issues became more salient to the public, and opinions about gay rights began to exert a significant effect on vote choice. The study concludes with a discussion of the partisan forces that shaped the electoral significance of gay rights issues during the period from 1988 to 2008 and speculation about the role of gay rights issues in shaping future partisan electoral strategy.     

伊朗革命后社会的政治发展探析

1979年以来,伊朗伊斯兰共和国的革命后社会发展经历了霍梅尼和哈梅内伊两个时期。历经10年的制度建设和20年的调整改革,伊朗革命后社会的政治发展正遭遇深刻的路径抉择问题。伊朗政坛的主要政治人物都是体制内的现实主义者,改革派在与保守派的较量中基本处于弱势。总统选举是伊朗的“第二级权力”之争,但却日益成为了伊朗政治斗争的焦点。伊朗第十届总统选举及其选后长时间的政治风波,充分展示了伊朗革命后社会的政治发展成就和允许异见并存的政治空间。内贾德总统的连任具有一定的必然性,反映了伊朗社会延续既往发展轨迹的深厚社会基础和强大制度惯性,但其激进平民主义的施政风格和相关政策却可能对伊朗的长期发展产生负面影响。     

民国地方选举中的组织化博弈 ——以1940年代湖南县市为考察对象

抗战结束后,全国各地先后举行了县(市)参议员和国大代表选举。竞选者普遍选择组织化博弈策略,主要以政党、宗族及帮会等作为依托力量。竞选者个人实力是影响组织化博弈的前提和基础,组织化竞选资源的整合直接关系到选举效能。湖南省的实例表明,在党国一体的威权体制下,这两次地方选举及其组织化博弈并未起到奠定宪政基础的作用。     

中共党内选举制度的完善

完善党内选举制度,需要进一步规范候选人提名和正式候选人确定的具体办法,实现候选人差额提名,积极试行通过预选和差额选举产生正式候选人名单。要改进候选人的介绍方式,积极构建多样化的候选人介绍与竞争平台,增强竞争意识和机制,培育良好的竞争风气。既要坚持党的统一领导、严格遵循党的章程,又要充分考虑各种实际情况,积极探索完善党内选举制度的具体形式和做法。要尽量减少和简化基层民主选举的层级,逐步扩大基层党组织领导班子直接选举范围,试行由乡镇党员大会直接选举产生乡镇党委全委会,由党代会直接差额选举产生乡镇党委常委包括书记、副书记。     

村级民主选举障碍性因素分析

村级民主选举存在的内部障碍性因素主要有村民政治冷漠,宗族势力干扰,选举委员会工作不力,贿选等。村级民主选举外部障碍性因素主包括上级行政部门越权、选举经费不足等。分析村级民主选举的障碍性因素,有助于研究制定具有科学性、前瞻性和可操作性的建议措施,保障村级民主选举的良性发展。     

Toward a Viable Progressive Third Party in 2020 and Beyond1

Creating a strong, influential third party has been an abiding aspiration on the American left, and were this goal to be achieved, it could be a great boon to subordinate groups in the United States. Yet widespread doubts persist, even among progressives that this is desirable, and especially that it is possible. Here, I briefly review compelling reasons for thinking otherwise; I then consider in some depth the potential for starting to build a viable left third party leading up to and after the pivotal 2020 election. In doing so, I go beyond the existing literature on third parties, which has yet to reflect systematically on progressive third party prospects in this period. Specifically, I assess how the emerging political environment may shape left third-party building, and I evaluate ongoing and developing attempts by key groups engaged in that effort. I find a distinct tension between conditions encouraging progressives to reform versus abandon the Democratic Party, and I identify one alternative party-building tendency that seems most able to exploit the latter impulse due to its already established electoral viability. Last, I highlight relevant questions that remain for activists hoping to create an effective national left third party.     

基于工会直选调节作用的劳动关系氛围、心理契约破裂感知和工会承诺的关系研究

基于37家企业和1 211名员工的问卷调研数据,依据心理契约理论和工会理论,探讨了中国转型经济背景下劳动关系氛围和工会直选对员工的心理契约破裂感知和工会承诺关系的跨层次影响。研究结果表明,劳动关系氛围同工会承诺正相关;心理契约破裂感知同工会承诺负相关;心理契约破裂感知在劳动关系氛围与工会承诺的关系中起中介作用;工会直选在心理契约破裂感知和工会承诺的关系中起调节作用,即在实现工会直选的企业,员工的心理契约破裂感知同工会承诺的负相关关系较弱。此外,对研究发现进行分析,并指出对管理实践的启示。