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51.
This paper shows that information imperfections and common values can solve coordination problems in multicandidate elections. We analyze an election in which (i) the majority is divided between two alternatives and (ii) the minority backs a third alternative, which the majority views as strictly inferior. Standard analyses assume voters have a fixed preference ordering over candidates. Coordination problems cannot be overcome in such a case, and it is possible that inferior candidates win. In our setup the majority is also divided as a result of information imperfections. The majority thus faces two problems: aggregating information and coordinating to defeat the minority candidate. We show that when the common value component is strong enough, approval voting produces full information and coordination equivalence: the equilibrium is unique and solves both problems. Thus, the need for information aggregation helps resolve the majority's coordination problem under approval voting. This is not the case under standard electoral systems.  相似文献   
52.
We study elections that simultaneously decide multiple issues, where voters have independent private values over bundles of issues. The innovation is in considering nonseparable preferences, where issues may be complements or substitutes. Voters face a political exposure problem: the optimal vote for a particular issue will depend on the resolution of the other issues. Moreover, the probabilities that the other issues will pass should be conditioned on being pivotal. We prove that equilibrium exists when distributions over values have full support or when issues are complements. We then study large elections with two issues. There exists a nonempty open set of distributions where the probability of either issue passing fails to converge to either 1 or 0 for all limit equilibria. Thus, the outcomes of large elections are not generically predictable with independent private values, despite the fact that there is no aggregate uncertainty regarding fundamentals. While the Condorcet winner is not necessarily the outcome of a multi‐issue election, we provide sufficient conditions that guarantee the implementation of the Condorcet winner.  相似文献   
53.
通过对城市居民委和业主委员会的对比,指出它们既有职能的交叉,又有存在与发展基础和民主实践的区别。业委会通过直接选举,为群众参与民主提出了广阔的发展平台,在基层民主建设中地位凸显。因此,城市基层民主建设应以直接选举为着力点。  相似文献   
54.
This paper addresses a question arising out ofcalls for greater shareholder participation toensure accountability of management in publiclimited companies. It is argued here that theparticipation by shareholders in corporateelections is more difficult than it isenvisaged by those who issue clarion calls forshareholders to exercise their voting power.The exercise of the right to vote as ashareholder can be formulated as a game betweenshareholders and management and also amongstgroups of shareholders. The chances of anyparticular group of shareholders being able toinfluence policy depends on how other groupsof shareholders vote. Thus the organisationaltask in the exercise of the right to franchiseis more complicated than it is realised byenthusiasts for shareholder participation.  相似文献   
55.
If voter preferences depend on a noisy state variable, under what conditions do large elections deliver outcomes “as if” the state were common knowledge? While the existing literature models elections using the jury metaphor where a change in information regarding the state induces all voters to switch in favor of only one alternative, we allow for more general preferences where a change in information can induce a switch in favor of either alternative. We show that information is aggregated for any voting rule if, for a randomly chosen voter, the probability of switching in favor of one alternative is strictly greater than the probability of switching away from that alternative for any given change in belief over states. If the preference distribution violates this condition, there exist equilibria that produce outcomes different from the full information outcome with high probability for large classes of voting rules. In other words, unless preferences closely conform to the jury metaphor, information aggregation is not guaranteed to obtain.  相似文献   
56.
We apply service‐operations‐management concepts to improve the efficiency and equity of voting systems. Recent elections in the United States and elsewhere have been plagued by long lines, excessive waiting times, and perceptions of unfairness. We build models for the waiting lines at voting precincts using both traditional steady‐state queueing methods and simulation models. We develop solution methods to allocate voting machines optimally to precincts. Our objective functions consider both the efficiency and the equity of the voting system. We compare our allocation algorithm to several competing methods, including those used in practice. We examine several different strategies for improving voting operations on both the demand and the capacity side of voting systems, and we present a complete case study of applying our method to data from the 2008 election for Franklin County, Ohio. We conclude that our method is superior to existing polices in terms of efficiency and equity and that it is robust in terms of uncertainties regarding turnout rates on Election Day. We also suggest several operational improvements to the voting process drawn from the service‐operations literature.  相似文献   
57.
现代韩国虽然一开始就是以民主体制为基本的政治框架,但实际上长期实行“行政上位的行政与政治一体化”的体制有很强的独裁色彩,其主要原因是:总统通过执政党在议会中所占的绝对优势来控制议会;韩国政党的“私党”性质;韩国军方的政治介入;司法机构没有起到任何牵制行政的实质性作用等。自第十三届总统选举开始,韩国政治开始了由独裁向民主的转化,至第十六届总统选举,韩国政治表现出了很大变化,主要表现在如下几个方面:三十多年来对韩国政治发挥绝对影响力的“三金政治”走到了尽头;世代交替;在总统选举的活动方式上与以往相比具有很大的差异;新当选的总统没有以往总统所负的那种政治负担;地区冲突得到了一些缓和。可以预见,韩国政治走向将有很大变化。根据韩国民主化的实现过程可以认为,实现民主化的必要条件是各种社会权力的平衡、法制化、理性讨论。  相似文献   
58.
Exercising the right to vote at elections is frequently denied to people with disabilities. In this study, we examined the voting behaviour of individuals with physical or learning impairments and the barriers they encountered during the national elections in 2017 in the Netherlands. A survey design was chosen to allow large-scale questioning of both target groups. Over 90% of people with physical impairments voted and respondents found that voting was accessible. Voter turnout among people with learning impairments was much lower (46%). They experienced difficulty to prepare themselves and at the polling station. The Netherlands seems well on the way to achieving an inclusive environment for people with physical impairments. Recommendations are given about accessibility for all and for exploring alternative methods of voting such as proxy voting and tailoring information and procedures to the needs of people with learning impairments.  相似文献   
59.
The vulnerability hypothesis predicts strategic, quality candidates only challenge weak incumbents. House election studies support this hypothesis. State level analyses produce mixed results. We test whether incumbent vulnerability affects the entry of one kind of strategic actor – former governors. Former governors are an ideal test case. Having already served in the state's highest office, they represent the highest quality and perhaps most strategic candidates who run for state office. Our results show that performance in the previous election, one measure of incumbent vulnerability, does not affect former governor entry. However, incumbent vulnerability measured as recent economic performance and number of other quality candidates appearing in a former governor's party primary does affect entry in general elections.  相似文献   
60.
The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities underscores the equal right of persons with disabilities to participate in political life. However, in Africa they are often unable to exercise their right to vote. This study sought to systematically review available evidence on inclusive elections in Africa. Findings showed that although most African countries ratified disability-focused legislation and proclaimed equal opportunities, the implementation of the legislation varies across the continent. Barriers to political participation can occur at any electoral stage and can be broadly categorised into three groups: lack of education and financial resources; stigma and negative social attitudes; and inaccessible physical infrastructure.  相似文献   
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