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31.
民族与民族主义研究:从实体论迈向关系实在论初探   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在民族和民族主义研究中,实体论具有重要地位,它包括客观实体论与主观实体论。前者长于民族的客观属性分析与内生分析,但忽略了民族的主观属性,忽略了他者和关系对民族自我的塑造作用;后者最为看重民族的主观属性,强调民族主义对民族的塑造作用,但放大了民族的主观属性,且落入从民族主义与民族两者的关系来界定民族的窠臼。文章引入关系实在论来阐释民族和民族主义,旨在消解民族的实体本体论地位,并将民族"自我"视为过程性、动态性与稳定性的关系化实体。在此基础上,文章区分了两个层次的流动的、关系化的民族自我和不同类型的民族主义:(1)国家民族(主义),公民民族(主义)和族群民族(主义)之间的竞争共生关系;(2)在第一个层次之上的民族自我与其他内部他者、外部他者之间的竞争共生关系。  相似文献   
32.
姜兰虹  徐荣崇 《南方人口》2001,16(3):6-15,5
本文针对悉尼和布里斯本两个都市之台湾移民的分布及居住迁徙作深入研究。主要透过深入访谈的方法 ,系统性的针对台湾移民选择居住地的因子及决策过程进行探讨 ,并尽量以社会地理学“局内人”的观点 ,架构居住地改变和选择的逻辑来思考整个迁徙过程的机制。研究结果显示 ,随着时间的改变 ,作迁徙决策时所考量的因子也会改变。刚到澳洲时 ,选择居住地的因子主要会考量亲友意见 ;随着经验的累积及对周遭环境的熟悉 ,个别差异性开始凸显 ,每个人对居住地的选择会有不同的考量与分析。在迁居上 ,有向双拼式建筑或都市公寓型房子搬迁的趋势  相似文献   
33.
随着海峡两岸休闲农业合作的逐步发展,各相关主体之间的博弈也逐渐显现。在此过程中,涉及的主要行为主体有地方政府、农户以及台商企业。文章从各主体的利益行为分析出发,构建并分析政府与台商企业、台商企业与农户之间的动态博弈。分析表明:在博弈的过程中,政府处于主动和有利的地位,但其存在不规范行为;台商企业基于趋利的本性,在与政府之间的博弈会展开“寻租”行为,在与农户之间的博弈以牺牲农户的利益来实现其收益最大化;农户与台商企业的博弈相对处于弱势地位,加之其有限理性和知识能力有限,自身利益难以得到保障;为实现各主体利益最大化的可持续发展,应建立健全相关法律法规;完善政府的服务职能;构建合理的利益分配形式。  相似文献   
34.
通过介绍以沃特·威尔逊·格雷格爵士为代表的目录派三杰,在对文学文本基本物质形态从手稿到印刷文本辨伪和考证批评的基础上,经过厘定文本讹误和四次重要的学术论战,确立了作者的神圣地位,让文学成为绝对科学化的大学学科,但新目录派最终却退出了现代西方文论思潮。观照几乎同时产生于印刷术所带来的学术分裂期的中国乾嘉派,它能够客观对待经学作者,并形成了系统的治学方法,从而稳步发展为今天的朴学大潮,在此视阈下分析并阐明新目录派无法形成体系的原因,恰在于其过分强调科学权威性而漠视了文学本身的独特因素造成的方枘圆凿,藉此提出中国治学方法借鉴于西方文论批评的可行性。  相似文献   
35.
In this study, we tested social identity complexity theory (Roccas & Brewer, 2002) in relation to attitudes toward diversity and the associated variables of patriotism, nationalism, religiosity, aggression, and sense of self (well-being) in a cross-cultural study of 398 Malaysian, 239 Australian, and 201 Puerto Rican students. Puerto Ricans reported the most positive attitudes toward diversity, followed by Australians, and finally Malaysians. For Puerto Ricans, pro-diversity attitudes were predicted by a positive correlation with constructive patriotism and a negative correlation with blind patriotism. For Australians, pro-diversity attitudes were predicted by a positive association with constructive patriotism, a negative association with traditional nationalism, and a negative association with physical aggression. For Malaysians, pro-diversity attitudes were predicted by positive relationships with all of the following variables: constructive patriotism, traditional nationalism, verbal aggression, hostility, and the need to bolster self through idealizing others. These results support social identity complexity theory and partially support associated predictions for Australians, Puerto Ricans, and some of the predictions for Malaysians. The results are explained in terms of local cultural contexts that may not easily be understood by a simple understanding of the variables that were measured.  相似文献   
36.
Artifacts and Allegiances: How Museums Put the Nation and the World on Display takes a global approach to how museums make sense of increased globalization and migration. Museums construct narratives that link their locality to the nation and to the world. Peggy Levitt’s major book explains how museums imagine themselves and how they work towards composing a kind of visitor experience. It is about museum visions, missions, and exhibitions as told through the eyes of those who create and are responsible for them, namely, top administrators, curators, politicians, and more. Her analysis explains why museums only a few hundred miles apart can have such different conceptions of how to create the proper citizen. As such, the book illuminates the power of a cultural sociological approach.  相似文献   
37.
This article explores the link between nationalism, as expressed by the Burman state and ethnic and student opposition movements, and the emergence of a multiethnic women's movement engaged in resistance activities. In focusing on women's involvement in oppositional nation-making projects, this article aims to broaden our understanding of gender and conflict by highlighting women's agency in war. Drawing on interviews carried out with founding members of the women's movement, non-state armed groups and others active in civil society, the article investigates how a gendered political consciousness arose out of dissatisfaction with women's secondary position in armed opposition groups, leading to women forming a movement, not in opposition to conflict per se but in opposition to the rejection of their militarism, in the process redefining notions of political involvement and agency. By invoking solidarity based on a gendered positioning, rather than on an ethnic identity, the women's movement resisted the dominant nation-making projects, and created a nationalism inclusive of multiethnic differences. Burmese women's multiple wartime roles thus serve to upset supposed dichotomies between militancy and peace and victim and combatant, in the process redefining the relationship between gender, nationalism and militancy.  相似文献   
38.
Research on domestically violent men typically takes an oppositional logic of gender. While the significance of class in researching domestically violent men is identified, class and gender are often treated as separate entities that do not complicate each other. Drawing upon group observations and in‐depth interviews, this paper identifies how intersections of class and gender manifest in the counselling experiences of domestically violent Taiwanese men. From a Bourdieusian feminist analysis, the authors analyse (1) how class distinctions serve to (re)produce gendered hierarchy; (2) how contradictory experiences of gender reveal a relational understanding of class; and (3) how the gendered nature of domestically violent men is inscribed with a meaning of (working) class specificity for maintaining middle‐class ‘purity’. In analysing men's multiple and conflicting experiences, this paper contributes to research on domestically violent men by showing how class and gender are actively constructed and not produced in a monolithic/invariant way.  相似文献   
39.
面对近代救亡图存的历史任务和社会现代化的理性诉求,梁启超从思想文化和精神层面思考民族解放与经济发展、社会进步、国家振兴之间的内在联系,在辩证扬弃传统思想资源和借鉴吸收泰西学说的基础上,首次提出民族主义的历史命题.梁启超毕生致力于思想启蒙和民族解放,成为20世纪中国民族主义思想的首倡者,也为今人从历史与逻辑统一上认识民族解放和社会现代化提供了有益借鉴.  相似文献   
40.
South Africa is a regional hub for migration on the African continent and is home to a growing documented international migrant community. Foreigners in the country, however, often face violations of their established rights and are the victims of abuse. This paper examines public support for policies that would exclude international migrants from the country. Data from the 2013 South African Social Attitudes Survey, a nationally representative opinion poll (N = 2739) of all adults in the country, are used. This poll found that many South Africans favoured restrictive immigration policies and opposed granting foreigners the same rights as citizens. Multivariate analysis is employed to discern determinants of this opposition. Respondents’ perceptions of the population sizes of foreigners in their communities did not affect support for inclusion. It can be inferred, therefore, that the growth of the immigrant population has not provoked exclusionary attitudes in the country. Rather, results revealed, it is national pride (cultural versus political) and fears about the consequences of immigration that drive such attitudes. Programmes and policies designed to improve public perceptions of how foreigner impact society and the promotion of a nationalism characterised by inclusive multicultural civic patriotism may improve public support for the inclusion of international immigrants.  相似文献   
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