‘When and where does being Welsh matter to me?’ The influence of cross-border mobilities on constructions of sub-national belonging in the lives of Welsh Muslims*

This article will discuss how Welsh Muslims construct what a sense of place means to them through their cross-border mobility between England and Wales, and how this contributes to the ongoing re-construction of a plural understanding of nationhood in an era of diversity. To understand when and where being Welsh matters to Welsh Muslims, it will explore how mobility rather than being the antithesis of belonging, can be used as an essential tool in highlighting how perceptions of the nation, sub-state nation, home and place are influenced and understood.     

Alternative ideologies of la francophonie

This paper concerns current transformations in the relationship between political and linguistic ideologies of la francophonie based on a sociolinguistic ethnographic study in a French-language minority school in Canada. A dominant modernist orientation, focussing on unilingual social spaces and the authenticity and integrity of French, is being confronted by an emerging globalizing orientation which emphasizes the value of French as an economic resource, or commodity, and which values both pluralism and a common language. The result is a crisis of legitimacy for francophone institutions, struggles for voice among old and new elites, and the marginalization of the working class speakers of the ‘authentic’ vernacular.     

中东经济现代化进程与民族主义

民族主义是包括中东在内的后发国家的现代化的初始动力和思想根基。中东民族主义与中东各国的经济现代化有很大的同步性,它不仅是民族团结和独立自主的重要精神力量,而且还是影响各国经济现代化发展方向和发展模式的重要政治力量。在全球化时代,民族主义受到异质文化等诸多因素的冲击,出现认同危机,民族国家在经济中的作用有所削弱。虽然民族国家并未彻底丧失其经济功能,但只有在维护传统文化和独立自主的基础上树立新的认同,建立开放的具有现代性的经济体系,积极发展地区间与国际间的合作,才有可能推动民族经济的进一步发展。     

欧盟成功原因之解析

欧盟是当今世界最成熟的地区一体化组织,学界对其成功原因有很多探讨。具有代表性的是拉哈—科赫解释和吉尔平解释,他们强调内部动力、外在压力、同质性,以及从容易着手的经济联合开始等。但深层原因是欧盟独特的超国家模式,它摆脱了传统国家间的安全困境,适应全球化竞争要求,从国家民族主义走向地区民族主义,构建新的政治文化共同体,通过地区安全实现国家安全。     

何谓民族？——论厄内斯特·勒南的民族主义思想

《何谓民族》是法兰西学院院士厄内斯特·勒南一次著名演讲的讲稿。这篇讲稿是在法德两国就＂民族＂定义展开论战的历史背景下问世的,它强调界定民族的标准只能是民众的政治意愿而非种族血统或语言文化。因此,这篇讲稿被后来的民族主义研究者视为政治民族主义的理论典范。不过,《何谓民族》与勒南其他著作的论调并不一致,勒南在《何谓民族》中的言论可能是言不由衷。     

拉美民族主义的历史演进和发展趋势

拉美民族主义经历了从殖民地时期克里奥尔人的本土意识,到独立战争的英雄们的美洲主义思想,再到19世纪末知识精英的文化民族主义和反美主义,以及二战后作为推动发展与变革力量的经济民族主义。冷战结束后,随着全球化的加速发展,拉美民族主义受到了来自各方面的挑战。民族主义在不同的历史阶段其多元化的形式对拉美内政和外交产生了不同影响。     

论民族史学的演变

作为区域史学重要分支的民族史学的发展演变可以分为三个时期：民族史学的萌芽时期、以民族主义史学为特征的民族史学产生并在欧洲传播确立时期、民族史学全球传播并成为世界史学发展主流时期。民族史学发展每个时期的性质、表现形式和地位都有所不同。民族史学与史学的发展是相始终的。     

亚非作家会议的民族主义审视

长达十余年的"亚非作家会议",是世界殖民体系瓦解后区域联盟形式的民族主义文学运动,也是东方现代民族主义文学思潮高潮的标志。亚非区域联盟的兴起并不意味着东方世界在向世界共同体迈进,其实质是亚非国家对西方帝国主义国家称霸世界企图的一种防御性反应。当时复杂的国际政治局势对亚非作家会议产生了深刻的影响,意识形态两大阵营的对垒与亚非作家的民族主义意识之间有着非常复杂的关系。亚非作家会议的主旋律是反帝反殖、要求民族独立与发展,亚非民族、作家之间的团结与合作,建设民族新的文学与文化三大中心命题,主要是政治问题。会议整体上表现为文学性的缺失。     

A Burkean analysis of China Is Not Happy: a rhetoric of nationalism

As a sequel to China Can Say No, China Is Not Happy is the bestseller of 2009 in China. The book praises China's post-80s generation for their act of patriotism, condemns the West, in general, and the United States, in particular, for exploiting the Chinese and for causing a global economic crisis. It also criticizes the Chinese liberal elite and overseas returnees for being Western-influenced mental slaves and traitors. The authors of the book call for an abandonment of “literary tone”, advocate a tough stand against Western countries, and envision China as the leader of the world through its economic and military power. This paper examines the major themes and belligerent rhetoric employed in the book through an application of Kenneth Burke's rhetorical concepts of identification, terministic screens, and representative anecdotes. The author of this paper contends that such use of rhetoric demonstrates the language habit of China's political discourse in its modern history, escalates blind nationalism, and widens the gap in intercultural understanding between China and the US.     

Selective Amnesia: Memory and History of the Urfalli Syrian Orthodox Christians

This article analyzes how a community of Syrian Orthodox Christians (Urfallis), who were forced to emigrate from Urfa to Aleppo in 1924, reconstruct their collective history. These displaced Christians maintain silence about two important events in their history. The reason for their emigration and their participation in the Syrian nationalist movement during the 1930s are either wiped from their memories or deliberately concealed. This selective amnesia is conditioned largely by the complex relationship between the ruling elite, whether French or Syrian, and ordinary Urfallis. The process of historical reconstruction suggests that the ambivalent position of these Christians, which stems from their religious affiliation and immigrant origin, makes them design alternative narratives in order to adapt to the changing political situation whilst they establish a secure position for themselves within Syrian society.