全文获取类型
收费全文 | 524篇 |
免费 | 19篇 |
国内免费 | 7篇 |
专业分类
管理学 | 11篇 |
民族学 | 3篇 |
人口学 | 5篇 |
丛书文集 | 95篇 |
理论方法论 | 33篇 |
综合类 | 316篇 |
社会学 | 87篇 |
出版年
2025年 | 2篇 |
2024年 | 9篇 |
2023年 | 11篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 14篇 |
2019年 | 16篇 |
2018年 | 13篇 |
2017年 | 6篇 |
2016年 | 9篇 |
2015年 | 11篇 |
2014年 | 25篇 |
2013年 | 32篇 |
2012年 | 24篇 |
2011年 | 31篇 |
2010年 | 23篇 |
2009年 | 27篇 |
2008年 | 33篇 |
2007年 | 27篇 |
2006年 | 24篇 |
2005年 | 34篇 |
2004年 | 35篇 |
2003年 | 29篇 |
2002年 | 33篇 |
2001年 | 38篇 |
2000年 | 22篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有550条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
自20世纪80年代以来,由于金融全球化和美式“股东资本主义”的兴起,“股东导向型”公司治理制度在全世界的影响越来越大,被誉为最佳公司治理模式或“国际惯例”。它不但影响了德、日等发达国家,也影响了中国等发展中国家和转型国家的公司治理改革。本文认为,“股东导向型”公司治理制度在中国的传播主要由内生性和外生性两大动机驱动,经过两个阶段和通过三种机制完成。第一阶段是在跨国层面,“模仿性同构”机制和“规范性同构”机制发挥了重要作用;第二阶段是在国内企业层面,政府通过法律法规和政策等手段要求企业采用新的公司治理模式,即“强制性同构”机制发挥了主导作用。对中国公司治理改革的社会学分析有助于我们从一个不同于经济学和管理学的新视角加深对中国金融市场和上市公司的理解,对于反思西方新自由主义企业制度,构建具有中国特色的现代企业制度具有较为重要的理论和现实意义。 相似文献
102.
针对资本主义辩护者自诩“资本主义具有无可替代性”,施韦卡特与之针锋相对,以资本主义为超越对象,先是清算苏联模式,为新模式的问世扫清了障碍,接着提出了作为资本主义替代制度的社会主义的新模式——经济民主的市场社会主义,在此基础上,还对发达资本主义国家、指令性社会主义国家、第三世界国家如何步入经济民主制度进行了理论探讨,试图达到超越资本主义的目的。但这并不意味着他的理论没有瑕疵,我们应看到其局限性,同时也应肯定其在社会主义运动史中的作用。 相似文献
103.
Heather I. Peters 《Journal of Progressive Human Services》2013,24(1):45-58
In an effort to inform social work education, this article reports on part of a study examining the factors that hinder or facilitate involvement in social justice efforts. Based on a case example of Canadian international development nongovernmental organizations, the article presents the findings of an analysis of organizational documents. I argue that international development organizations' conceptions of involvement reproduce inequitable North-South power relations through a perpetuation of colonial discourses of the South. This perpetuation of inequitable power relations is evident in three main themes: the tragic South; the hero/victim binary; and the ideal of one world. The implications of these findings for social work education are outlined. 相似文献
104.
什么是数字资本主义条件下的世界工厂?它与过去的资本主义世界体系有何区别,又有何关联?在互联网和智能手机的时代,劳工真能形成自己的网络,抵御资本吗?本文以史鉴今,首先回顾17世纪“大西洋三角贸易”的奴隶制世界体系,再讨论当代富士康劳工问题、“21世纪奴隶制”及其内在的新三角贸易结构。四百年沧海桑田,不料在变劳工为奴隶这个问题上,无论是实证材料的细节,还是世界资本主义体系的宏观层面,依然存在种种勾连。文章在此基础上勾勒出网络化抵抗与新三角团结关系,并强调:劳工研究需要重新认识过去,让思想在全球历史的长河中重新扎根。 在关注生产过程之外,还须重视消费,特别是虚拟空间里的生产性消费行为。 相似文献
105.
尚婷 《石家庄铁道大学学报(社会科学版)》2012,(3):52-56
针对嘉绍跨江公路通道中心河大桥主桥单箱双室变截面连续箱梁结构特点,对原GL型三角形挂篮进行改进,使之适用于本桥悬臂浇注的GL改进型三角形。介绍了GL改进型三角形计算模式,并对挂篮结构内力及各体系进行了计算和检算,进一步优化了三角形挂篮设计,提出了GL改进型三角挂篮设计理论依据和注意事项,可为类似工程提供技术和理论支持。 相似文献
106.
Stefan Kirchner 《Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research》2016,29(4):462-480
Traditionally, scholars of comparative capitalisms expect a solid link between institutions and outcomes, such as exporting and innovation. For Germany seminal approaches rely on an ideal-typical firm-level profile with strong innovative capabilities and high traditional institutional embeddedness. Current literature on firm-level diversity in Germany exposes that the empirical links between institutions, de facto firm-level profiles, and their outcomes are not well understood. An analysis of 988 German firms reveals no direct link between institutional variables and outcomes. A latent class analysis identifies five innovative capability profiles, which display diverse institutional embeddedness patterns and outcome levels. The prevailing profile conforms to several traditional expectations about the ideal-typical German firm-level profile. However, a second profile achieves similarly high export and innovation rates without traditional institutional embeddedness. The analysis shows the importance of diverse innovative capability profiles for the de facto links between institutions and firm-level outcomes within Germany's economy. 相似文献
107.
The paper is concerned with the problem of “society” and in particular with the notion of “European society”. Rather than reject the possibility of society, it draws on theories of the social as networks. The thesis proposed is that the concept of society should rather be understood as a relational field of interconnections. It is argued that this is highly relevant to the analysis of Europe conceived of in terms of a society. This approach can be seen as an alternative to methodological nationalism. The paper applies a network conception of society to Europe with the emphasis on the nineteenth century. In this account, European society is not something that was produced by European integration. Rather than see European society as a recent development, it is argued that the field of tensions between capitalism and democracy constituted the major elements that shaped a European model of society. 相似文献
108.
Zuzana Uhde 《International Feminist Journal of Politics》2016,18(3):390-408
This article develops a critical analysis of transformations of the idea and practice of women's emancipation in late-modern western society under the influence of globalizing advanced capitalism. It builds on analyses of feminist critical theory and critical globalization studies and argues that global capitalism initiates processes in which the practice of emancipation is distorted. Distorted emancipation refers to the social consequences of the marketization and commodification of areas of social life that were previously excluded from market relationships. Care practices, which have been a fundamental issue in women's emancipatory struggles, are used as a reference point. The article argues that even if commodification creates certain possibilities for financial rewards of care, it institutionalizes a double misrecognition of care as both nonproductive work and paid work that cannot be a source of social recognition. Furthermore, distorted emancipation makes positive moments of changing gender patterns available only for some groups of women in socioeconomically, geopolitically or culturally privileged positions. These positive moments are dependent on transnational care practices, which are understood as a manifestation of distorted emancipation. 相似文献
109.
Sofie Tornhill 《International Feminist Journal of Politics》2016,18(4):528-543
This article examines the premises of corporate solutions to gender inequality in the Global South. In feminist debates, businesses’ increasing emphasis on women’s empowerment has been discussed both in terms of increasing feminist impact and the co-optation of feminist demands. To explore the ideological effects of corporate gender practices, focus is placed on the Coca-Cola Company’s global “5by20” campaign, which has the stated aim to empower five million women as small-scale entrepreneurs around the world and, in a “win–win” fashion, to double sales by 2020. Based on interviews and participatory observations in Mexico, this article traces a particular narrative of empowerment, envisioned as a transition from dependency to self-sufficiency and threatened by psychological and cultural restraints rather than material conditions. It shows that self-help and positive thinking are essential affective drives, thus reinforcing market-based, individualized development strategies. In response to feminist debates, the article concludes that corporate gender practices can be seen as part of a neoliberal transposition of equality concerns from a political to an economic domain. In effect, when initiatives such as 5by20 promote the accumulation of “human capital” to enhance gender equality, they simultaneously work to legitimize the inequalities that are necessarily entailed in competitive capitalism. 相似文献
110.
This paper examines the ways in which social movements based among leading capitalists have remade the US political economy. In the first part we examine the period from the late 1880s through the 1920s, sketching the emergence of a hegemonic movement that accomplished the re-embedding of capitalist social relations during the corporate reconstruction of American capitalism. In the second, we examine the disembedding of capitalist relations during the contemporary neoliberal era. The paper makes three major arguments. First, capitalists not just subaltern groups resort to collective action outside of institutional channels of authority and power. Second, during organic crises the movements of capitalists will join with movements of subaltern groups to create hegemonic projects, whose disparate supporters are articulated by discourses. Third, the concept of ‘social movement’ itself should be understood as a constituent part of a larger social formation and not sealed off from features of capitalism and the state. Indeed, hegemonic social movements have reconstructed the larger landscape that social movement theory normally takes for granted as a background. In applying this approach to the contested topic of neoliberalism, we argue that it was not primarily a class-based coup, a policy, ideology, or culture shift but a discourse that united elements of the left and the right as well as a ‘historic bloc’ with homes in both major parties. During both periods subaltern groups played an important role in the hegemonic movements that created corporate capitalism and later neoliberalism. 相似文献