Has the Nordic Welfare Model Been Transformed?

The Nordic welfare model is undergoing a fundamental transformation. Using Denmark we show how a universal welfare state model is gradually being transformed into an emergent multi‐tiered welfare state. Whereas the Danish pension system's having become multi‐tiered in the 1990s, with private schemes – collective and individual – supplementing public schemes is well documented, scant attention has focused on more recent developments in other areas of the welfare state. This article shows how the multi‐tiered welfare state spread in the 2000s to policies for families, the unemployed and the sick. Although Denmark still offers universal coverage in core welfare state areas, the increased use of occupational and fiscal welfare as well as changes in public schemes has gradually transformed the nation into a multi‐tiered welfare state that is more dualistic and individualistic, with participation in the labour market becoming still more important for entitlement to benefits. These profound changes have taken place in such a way that although core characteristics are still in place, new structures and understandings of the welfare state are also developing. Thus classical typologies need revision, so that they include more focus on this combination of universality and institutional attachment to the labour market. Moreover, measures of what welfare comprises should include not only public but also private elements.     

求职过程的社会网络模型：检验关系效应假设

本文依据2009年八城市求职网调查数据,区别关系强度和关系资源两种不同的测量,分析这两种测量对入职收入的效应后发现：关系强度与关系资源统计相关,但不能互替。强关系往往带来人情资源,弱关系往往带来信息资源。经济改革前后,信息资源对入职收入均无显著影响,直到改革中期,特别是进入世贸组织后,信息资源才开始对收入产生提升作用。人情资源的收入效应改革前后一直很大,但是进入世贸组织之后,开始受到一定程度的抑制。市场转型过程中,社会网络的收入效应的总趋势是：改革前和改革初,人情资源效应大于信息资源效应,但在改革中期和加入世贸组织之后,前者在减弱,后者在增强。文章最后认为,市场竞争程度、体制不确定性程度和关系拥挤程度是造成这一现象的三大宏观要素,将是学术研究和政策调整的重点所在。     

日、韩公共住宅制度的改革与发展

为低收入阶层供给公共住宅是政府的职责。公共住宅制度包括供给租赁住宅、供给出售住宅以及提供政策性金融支持。本文通过分析日本和韩国的公共住宅制度,指出,日、韩两国以政府为主导,设立了专门的住宅管理机构和租赁住宅供应制度等特点,在实施过程中也取得了较好的社会效果。中国正处于房价快速上涨阶段,建立完善的公共住宅制度具有很强的现实意义。     

论社会舆论传播载体的规制——基于传统媒体的观察和分析

规制社会舆论传播载体,是建设中国特色社会主义的应有之义,也是对外开放的需要。规制社会舆论传播载体,不仅包括构建相关的法律体系,改进政府管理模式,充分运用市场调节机制,同时还要对记者采访权利进行管理和保护。所以规制社会舆论传播载体具有十分重要的现实意义,需要运用法律手段去规范,以推进体制机制的改革。     

Reforming against all odds: Multi‐pillar pension systems in the Czech Republic and Romania

Attempts to replace pay‐as‐you‐go pension schemes with private funded systems came to a halt in Central and Eastern Europe after 2005. However, more recently, the region has witnessed two belated reformers: the Czech Republic and Romania. Both countries decided to partially privatize pensions despite the rising tide of evidence concerning the challenges associated with the policy. We argue that while part of the domestic political elite remained supportive of private funded pensions, the difficulties experienced by earlier reformers and reduced support from International Financial Institutions led to the adoption of small funded pension pillars. Such cautious attempts at privatization might become more common in the future as large reforms have proven politically unsustainable.     

Making the Technological Transition – Citizens' Encounters with Digital Pension Services

We examine in this article the impact of digitization on the provision of public services by studying how citizens experience the use of web portals in their pension planning. Based on focus groups and user test material, we elucidate five critical phases that each operate as an obstacle for citizens' further engagement in the digital self‐service process: interest, access, comprehension, reflection and support. We argue that these phases and the obstacles they entail illustrate a transition away from a situation in which control and agency over the quality of public services is embedded in a dyadic relationship between citizens and frontline personnel, and to a situation characterized by more complex relations between citizens, the front line, and the digital infrastructure. We argue that this transition implies that citizens are required to possess a new type of competence that contains both financial and digital skills. Citizens who are unable to develop or acquire such competence are likely to be disadvantaged by the services. Lastly, we argue that these developments pose significant challenges for public administrations to ensure the overall quality of the public services.     

Garbage‐can Policy‐making Meets Neo‐liberal Ideology: Twenty Five Years of Redundant Reform of the English National Health Service

The garbage‐can theory of decision‐making (Cohen et al. 1972), has been adapted into a perspective on policy‐making, with adaptations of the approach placing notable emphasis upon the health sector (Kingdon 2006; Paton 2006). This article creates an adapted ‘garbage‐can’ framework to help explain each stage of the reform of the English National Health Service (NHS) over the last 25 years. The emergence of the key idea and resultant policy at each stage of reform of the English NHS has been arational and indeed sometimes irrational. Policy has reflected advocacy by policy‐salesmen (Kingdon 2002), proffering ‘solutions’ to ill‐defined problems and answers to unasked questions, and politicians' short‐termist responses at each decision‐point. Yet the garbage‐can alone is not enough: if arationality rules in policy‐making day to day, this does not mean that there is not an overall ideological context, trend or bias in reform. The article also posits that ‘market reform’ has derived from the ideological hegemony of a naive anti‐statism (hostility to a misleadingly defined and often mythological ‘centralist state’) in public services and enthusiasm for market competition rather than any evidence‐based application of pro‐market ideas to health policy. A question arises: how are these two approaches (short‐term arationality and longer‐term ideological bias) combined in explanation of how policy over time is biased in a particular direction while seemingly arbitrary and directionless at each messy decision‐point. The article attempts to combine the insights of a garbage‐can approach with wider explanations of ideological hegemony.     

The Great Recession and Welfare State Reform: Is Retrenchment Really the Only Game Left in Town?

By 2010, when the Greek sovereign debt crisis changed into an existential crisis of the euro, all developed democracies entered a phase in which they had to consolidate their budgets, typically implying a politics of austerity. The scholarly literature, as well as the popular press, suggests that – consequently – welfare retrenchment and cost containment became the only games left in town. In this article, we study the welfare state reform measures taken between 2010 and 2012 in four countries characteristic of mature welfare state regimes (liberal, UK; conservative, Germany; social democratic, Denmark; and hybrid, the Netherlands) to examine empirically whether austerity has indeed become the only item left on the policy menu. Our analysis reveals that retrenchment features prominently on the agenda everywhere, but nowhere by itself. While compensation for income loss is rare since 2010, this still happens. More unexpectedly, reforms in line with a social investment agenda (like expansion of child care or active labour market policies) are still being pursued in all our four cases.     

高职院校AutoCAD课程改革的思考

AutoCAD课程是高职院校机械类各专业的必修课程,为提高其教学质量,必须深化课程改革。本文在分析AutoCAD课程重要性的基础上,着重探讨了＂任务驱动＂教学模式在AutoCAD课程教学中的应用,并对AutoCAD课程的课外学习以及与职业资格考试的衔接进行了思考。     

后霍梅尼时代的伊朗政治现代化研究

1979年霍梅尼革命后,伊朗从一个亲西方、世俗的君主专制国家变成一个具有浓厚宗教色彩的伊斯兰政教合一国家,从而对伊朗的政治现代化进程产生了重大影响。教法学家权威统治的治国理念不仅为当代伊朗的诞生奠定了理论基础,而且为其发展设置了政治背景,是当代伊朗改革必须遵循的原则,也是一系列社会政治问题的来源。1989年的宪法修订为后霍梅尼时代伊朗的政治改革奠定了合法性基础。从拉夫桑贾尼到哈塔米再到内贾德,保守派与改革派的政权更替在一定程度上是伊朗政权性质中政治与宗教因素的较量。如何找到宗教与政治的平衡点,将是伊朗政治现代化发展面临的最大课题。