云南通海纳古镇回族的婚姻与家庭

本文依据田野调查的有关资料 ,对在云南乃至全国都知名的回族社区通海县纳古镇回族婚姻制度、通婚规则、婚后居处模式、家庭结构及亲属称谓制度的历史和当代变迁 ,提供了一份民族志式的社区个案记述     

宗加人亲属称谓习俗述略

宗加人的亲属称谓是以自我为中心的说明式亲属称谓 ,以辈份的不同而分为己辈、父辈、子辈 ,而且在自我为中心基础上通过父母双边来推算继嗣 ;亲属群由直系或父母双方的亲属来构成。     

论英语部分亲属词的模糊性及汉译处理

英语亲属称谓是一个貌似容易,其实很棘手的翻译问题.主要原因在于中西文化中称谓体系的不对应,而英语部分亲属词的模糊性使得翻译更为困难.引用实例说明翻译困难所在及汉译处理.     

Kinship care in Australia

Kinship care is the fastest growing form of out‐of‐home care placement in Australia. It is now a more common form of placement than foster care in some Australian states and is the most common form of placement for Indigenous children nationally. This paper reviews national data and reports ?ndings from a state (New South Wales) study of the experience of kinship carers, children and workers. Relative carers, children and child welfare caseworkers were found to identify psychological bene?ts, family obligation and criticism of other forms of care as reasons for preferring kinship care. Legislation and policy, particularly the Aboriginal Child Placement Principle, are also identi?ed as factors contributing to the rise in kinship care. Concern for the high levels of stress among carers and the low levels of monitoring of children's safety and well‐being are discussed and a stronger policy and practice response from government agencies is proposed. Indications of new policy and programme responses are demonstrated by several recent initiatives at state and national levels. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

缅甸语亲属称谓语义分析

缅甸语亲属称谓非常丰富,语义特征复杂,语义层次多样,可分为辈分、称谓人性别、亲疏、称呼场所、长幼、称呼方性别、古今等义素成分。缅甸语亲属称谓词的义位容量很大,部分称谓词有17个以上义位。但是,其构词能力较弱,在语义组合方面有不同于其他名词的特点。缅甸语亲属称谓词的语义场具有多样性、密集性和封闭性特点。     

Kinship and Population Subdivision

The coefficient of kinship between two diploid organisms describes their overall genetic similarity to each other relative to some base population. For example, kinship between parent and offspring of 1/4 describes gene sharing in excess of random sharing in a random mating population. In a subdivided population the statistic F _st describes gene sharing within subdivisions in the same way. Since F _st among human populations on a world scale is reliably 10 to 15%, kinship between two individuals of the same human population is equivalent to kinship between grandparent and grandchild or between half siblings. The widespread assertion that this is small and insignificant should be reexamined.     

藏族亲属称谓系统及其文化内涵初探——以甘孜道孚语言区为例

一种语言的亲属称谓系统的构成特点反映着使用该语言民族的社会文化特点,体现着文化和语言的关系。道孚藏族亲属称谓系统作为藏文化的组成部分之一,有其产生和发展的社会、历史、文化背景。本文试图通过对道孚藏族血缘亲属称谓系统本身及其使用特点的综合分析,探讨道孚藏族亲属称谓所反映的亲属关系和婚姻家庭制度及其文化内涵。     

Informal kin caregivers raising children left behind in rural China: Experiences' feelings' and support

The well‐being of children in informal kinship care and their caregivers is a growing concern globally. This study explored the lived experiences of 23 kin caregivers raising children left behind in rural Northeast China while their migrant parents worked and lived in cities. The findings show that the expected authority and responsibility caregivers carry sometimes conflict with their social role of being children's grandparents. Caregivers' feelings about and understandings of these roles are shaped through their social interactions in local communities. In view of their situation and caregivers' self‐conscious attitudes towards utilizing local resources' future formal service provision and social support should take caregivers' viewpoints into account. These views are embedded in and shaped by their rural living context and relationships with community members who influence caregivers' perceptions and child rearing practices.     

Diasporic kinship hegemonies and transnational continuities in the Hmong diaspora

ABSTRACT

Although hegemony has been understood as the property of nation-states and the ruling classes, this paper explores cultural hegemonies among diasporic peoples by examining the pervasive compliance of Hmong living in Laos and the United States with the principles of their kinship system. Since these kinship rules are inculcated through parental education from an early age and are seen as essential for maintaining the cohesion of their dispersed diasporic community in the absence of a territorial ancestral homeland, they have become culturally engrained and taken-for-granted by Hmong through their voluntary consent and no longer have to be enforced by overt power and coercive means. However, like all hegemonies, the Hmong kinship system may also confront increasing challenges and contestation as it is enacted in the different nation-states where Hmong reside, and may eventually become an ideology that needs to be actively enforced and imposed by the direct use of power.     

Kinship Reconsidered: Research on a Neglected Topic

This article reviews the recent history of kinship research, noting the relative neglect of the topic in recent decades. The lack of scholarly and empirical work on kinship has been hampered by both the absence of survey and qualitative research on contemporary kinship practices. The author focuses on what is known and not known about how individual put into practice kinship in the standard, nuclear form of the family. There is surprising in attention to the ceremonial family and, little is know about how families draw boundaries and construct kinship on ritual occasions in the literature. The author concludes by suggesting research strategies for examining both how kinship is constructed and practiced in the United States and in other advanced economies.