政治正义与契约论证明

正义理论与契约理论在西方政治哲学传统中均具有悠久的历史。这一理论在近几十年以来迎来了一场复兴,乃至成为当代政治哲学中反复出现的关键词之一。契约理论的这一复兴首先起源于罗尔斯的著作。他的开创性成果在于将契约理论与政治正义的问题联系在一起并用一种政治建构主义的模式表达出来。罗尔斯认为,只有经过一种建构主义的契约理论的验证,某种正义观念才可能在理性多元的当代社会中树立起来,获得理性且合理的公民的广泛认同。正是因为这种理论安排,使得罗尔斯的理论与传统的正义理论或者契约理论相比,具有更强的说服力。     

同意的困境——基于以同意理论证成政府家长式干预的视角

在自由主义语境中,对政府家长式干预行为可行性的分析诉诸于对个人意愿真实性的探求,而同意理论作为个人意愿的有效表达方式成为家长主义和反家长主义者论辩的重点。但是,由于同意本身所具有的局限性,使得通过诉诸于个人意愿的方式证成政府家长式干预行为的路径遭遇了不可避免的困境。     

作为制度权力表达的自由及其建设

自由是制度的权力表达,这是在人类社会发展的历史中不断讨论和证明的问题,并且也是国家政治制度得以建立和保障所必须涉及的首要的问题.基于哲学和政治学中对自由的理解,可以看出自由是制度建设的终极目标,而制度又是自由的根本保障,因此探讨制度自由的本质及现实制度中如何体现自由是有重要意义的.     

为世界祛魅——四位一体的现代化进程趋演

韦伯在对于现代性的研究过程中,将现代化的历史过程称为理性化。人类在社会理性化过程中达到了为世界祛魅的效果,运用一种推理与计算的工具,否认价值的先在性,从而得出人的主体性、多元价值的存在、价值中立等自由主义的元素,使得自由主义成为现代社会最基本的意识形态和最基本的组织原则。这无疑将社会整体思维、个体行为选择、政府权限演变和价值的整合置入统一的逻辑架构。     

Responsible pragmatism in Turkish social policy making in the face of Islamic egalitarianism and neoliberal austerity

Akan T. Responsible pragmatism in Turkish social policy making in the face of Islamic egalitarianism and neoliberal austerity Int J Soc Welfare 2011: 20: 367–380 © 2011 The Author(s), International Journal of Social Welfare © 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd and the International Journal of Social Welfare. Founded in August 2001, the Justice and Development Party of Turkey (JDP) has forged a brand new identity, the Conservative Democracy, and initiated challenging politico‐economic reforms since November 2002 when it came to power. Among these reforms, the social policies of the Conservative Democrats have intriguingly yielded mixed blessings of a strategic settlement between equality of outcome and opportunity. This article argues that such a result originated from the commodification by the Conservative Democrats of the Islamic egalitarianism of ‘the Just Order’, the politico‐economic programme to which the JDP's leaders were strictly committed before becoming the Conservative Democrats. Entitling the social policy strategy of JDP as ‘Responsible Pragmatism’, this article concludes that it was an unsustainable but flexible social policy strategy that has gone as far as it can, now, on the eve of the 2011 general elections.     

Narrowing of Public Responsibility in Finland, 1990–2010

Public responsibility in Finland has narrowed in the last 20 years while the sphere of the private sector has been increased. The economic crisis of the early 1990s was not the cause, but an accelerator of public sector/welfare state retrenchment in Finland. Based on which, it was easy for the advocates of neo‐liberal reforms to argue that the changes were a must. The welfare state programmes however, are popular among the Finnish population and therefore large one‐time cutbacks have not been possible beyond the immediate aftermath of the economic crisis. This article looks into three different methods through which the Finnish welfare state has been gradually cut since then: (1) by not raising income transfers along with the rising cost of living and wages; (2) by reducing funding of public services; and, on the other side of the coin (3) through regular tax cuts contracting the revenue side. Welfare state retrenchment in Finland has therefore been achieved in a subtle fashion through slow gradual weakening of social programmes on one hand, and through cuts in revenue on the other that have left proportionally more in the hands of the wealthier. These combined movements have resulted in a drastic reversal in the trend in income inequality in Finland.     

"话语政治"的价值与缺失

哈贝马斯的交往行为理论和话语政治民主模式不仅表达了一个知识分子应有的良知,也在诸多方面为我们展现了人类令人鼓舞的前景;不仅为我们的进一步探索提供了一个新的路径,更在整合共和主义和自由主义的双重优势的平台上,在制度的层面为建构主体间广泛参与和积极互动的民主模式做出了有益的尝试。但是,哈贝马斯话语民主模式在许多方面也失于理想性的虚幻化。把人类之间的关系完全定位于运用语言和平交往的理解和共识上,是理想主义的诉求,也许具有理论上的探索意义,但如何消除人们之间利益上的差异、冲突是相当难的问题,仅仅靠语言沟通,达成共识是难以实现的,时间的无限延长,参与者的不断增多,看起来是实现了哈贝马斯所设定的理想言说情景,但是,这样一方面降低了交往的效率,一方面又增加了解决问题的难度和成本,理想的初衷似乎把交往的环境恶化了,现实的竞争、冲突显然不是一个乌托邦式的浪漫主义的假设的完美情景所能解决的     

自由主义的理论困境及现实危机

自由主义的理论困境主要有个人优先与社会优先之争、权利与善之争、自由至上与多元价值之争等3个方面,这种困境不仅来自于理论与实践的冲突,更多来自于资本主义生产方式,并由此使得社会性危机成为资本主义社会的梦魇,研究自由主义的理论困境对于回应和反击西方意识形态的渗透,维护马克思主义意识形态在社会主义核心价值体系中的引领作用具有重要的战略意义和时代价值。     

Will to love,will to fear: the emotional politics of illegality and citizenship in the campaign against birthright citizenship in the US

Anti-immigration activists argue that the broad inclusivity of the birthright citizenship clause of the 14th Amendment is a national security concern that enables criminalized migrant mothers to give birth to citizens who can later harm the US through violence and resource consumption. Seeing this argument as representative of the problem of inclusivity inherent to citizenship in a liberal democracy, this essay asks how the children of undocumented and temporary migrants are constructed as what Mae Ngai calls ‘alien citizens.’ Drawing from Sara Ahmed's affective economy of emotion, I find that affect and emotion figure prominently in how citizens are made ‘alien.’ Specifically love and fear function as pivot points in the anti-birthright citizenship argument, wherein the ‘real citizen’ is ‘willed’ to love and be loved by the nation and to fear the nation's Others. Moreover, the emphasis on national feelings does not evacuate white supremacy or heteronormativity from its imagination of citizenship, but instead displaces these loci of power into feeling and affect. Thus, this essay claims that the birthright citizenship argument illustrates how national love and fear work in tandem to uphold, naturalize, and expand the racial and sexual exclusions inherent to citizenship in a nation-state.     

简论中国的“和平崛起”——基于现实主义、新自由主义、建构主义的视角

随着中国综合国力的不断增强和国际地位的不断提升,“中国崛起”引起了国际社会的普遍关注,而关于中国崛起的方式也成为众多西方学者热议的话题。无论是从现实主义、新自由主义还是建构主义来解读,都说明了中国崛起是和平崛起,符合国际利益和国际体系发展要求。