文德说与文如其人说

现代语境下,文如其人或文不如其人成为长期争论不休的话题,因为二者都现实存在。借章学诚提出的文德说来探讨复杂的人、文二者关系,从作者和读者两个维度对人、文关系的迷惑提供一定的视角,认为:作者、读者临文时的态度达到“敬”与“恕”是现代语境下人、文关系统一的关键性因素。     

在期待视野的融合中透视文学的效果史——接受美学文学史模式研究

接受美学文学史模式的特点用一句话概括就是以读者为中心,在期待视野融合中朱透视文学的效果史。它主要包括五个方面：文学是一种特殊的历史类型,读者在文学史中地位的确定,文学史的历时与共时研究,效果史与接受史的结合,显示出建构一种总体文学史的意向。它作为文学史研究的新范式,具有着同过去一切文学史理论不同的全新的价值取向,形成了一种对文学总体活动过程研究的新思路,实现了文学史研究方向的根本变化。     

Churning races in Canada: Visible minority response change between 2006 and 2011

Why do most people have stable responses to census race questions, while some do not? Using linked Canadian data, we examine personal, social, and economic characteristics that predict response stability as White or as one of six large visible minority groups, versus a change in response to/from White or to/from another visible minority group. Response change rates in Canada are generally comparable to those in the US, UK, and New Zealand. Likely reflecting the centuries-old hegemony of Whites in these countries, White is the most stable response group in Canada as well as the US, UK, and New Zealand. Multiple-race response groups are among the newest and least stable response groups. Social statuses and experiences (mixed ethnic heritage, immigration status, and exposure to own-group members) are generally more predictive of race response stability and change than economic (income level and change in income) or personal statuses (education, age). This highlights the socially-constructed nature of race group boundaries. Joining and leaving a group are often predicted by the same status/characteristic and in the same direction, hinting that the status/characteristic adds complexity to the race-related experiences of constituents.     

The Limits of Black Politics in the Post–Civil Rights Era

Pluralist theorists have long contended that to exercise power and influence in the American political system, blacks should come together like any other organized interest group, form coalitions with other like-minded people (white liberals), and advocate for policy reforms. Beginning during the “Black Power” era, the goal of putting black faces in high places to help address black concerns became a driving force in black politics. The deteriorating social and economic status of many in the black community, however, has not been prevented by either the political incorporation of more than 11,000 black elected officials or even the election of the nation’s first black president. This article will show how the inherent limitations of the pluralist interest-group strategy and a growing white backlash fueled by an awareness of changing demographics in the country has spawned an economic and political crisis in black America.     

湘西南汉语方言精知庄章组声母今读及演变

本文描写并归纳了湘西南汉语方言精知庄章组声母今读的类型、特点,并探讨了各种类型所代表的历史层次以及它们的演变过程、发展趋势。     

美华文学中的文化意象初探

北美新华文文学,作为具有特定时空意义和文化内蕴的文学类型,创造出了一系列相互关联、自成体系的意象。这些意象包含有文学和文化两方面的内涵,因而可称作“文学性的文化意象”,此种意象的营造应该是北美新华文文学的重要诗学特征。     

革命史体系与现代文学史写作的逻辑缺失

一切历史都是个人史,在历史的共名之下,可以包含有无数的个别理解。中国现代文学史写作面临着一个根本性的任务,就是在历史与逻辑的关系辨析中,对学科的学科本体的重新确认和方法论的进一步总结,将文学史写作纳入到人类思想史的分析之中,在一般思维逻辑上确立一种历史哲学观念,从而把文学史学上升为文学史哲学。革命史的合理性和合法性,并不一定能成为文学史和学术史的全部法则,应该在政治的合理性和合法性之内去寻找和确立人类性与个人性的尺度,以丰富人们对于中国现当代文学特别是战争文学的理解。     

展示与对话 ——中国当代文论发展的另一种选择

“五四”以来,以诗文评为体系的中国传统文论基本退出了文本阐释的场域。西方话语的大面积空降,在推进中国文论建设的同时,日益影响着中国文论的自主创新式发展,消解着可能的学理话语的分享式革新。中国传统文论的当代失语是时代发展和中西互通背景下的使然现象,但如果我们一味地执着于西方话语,沉迷于“普世”的理论,带来的将是比民族话语失声更严重的精神殖民。为此,我们需要积极有效地“展示”自身的传统文化精华,倡导中西方文化间进行平等和谐的“对话”,建构独具中国特色的美学话语与文论体系。     

民族工作时代主题与加快民族发展问题研究

民族工作必须体现时代的精神,党中央在我国社会主义建设的关键时期提出的各民族需“共同团结奋斗,共同繁荣发展”,顺应了时代的要求。少数民族的发展只有在建设中国特色社会主义的共同事业中才能逐步解决。     

English proficiency in Australia, 1981 to 2016

Using Australian census data, the paper examines the incidence of poor English competency in Australia from 1981 onwards. The paper examines English competency in relation to various characteristics such as sex, age, language spoken, visa type, citizenship, duration of residence and location. It finds that there was a sharp rise in the numbers of people not speaking English well between the 2011 and 2016 Censuses and special attention is given to this rise in the paper. Recently, the Australian Government unsuccessfully legislated for the introduction of a requirement of English competency at the level of IELTS 6 (the commonly used university entrance level) as a condition for the award of Australian citizenship. The paper argues that this test would have led to a very large number of disenfranchised Australian permanent residents and this would be a highly undesirable result. Nevertheless, employment and social participation are strongly influenced by English competency and residents with poor English are disadvantaged. The policy suggestion is made that participation in a course of English language training for those without functional English skills could be made a precondition of the award of permanent residence—without the application of a passing grade.