教育内部民主法制化简论

教育内部民主是相对于"保障教育权利平等"的外部民主而言的,包括教育过程中师生关系的民主和教育管理与决策的民主。因为缺乏必要的规范,教育内部民主在实践中常常表现为非理性的冲动,教育内部民主需要通过理性的法制介入得以合理有效地实现。教育内部民主法制化不仅是必要的也是可能的。     

社区矫正对象之选择初探

通过对中外社区矫正制度的对比,指出解决问题的基础在于确定社区矫正之对象选择方法;通过对社区矫正与其他刑罚方式的比较,指出确定社区矫正对象需要在犯罪人格视角下进行;通过对犯罪人格的剖析,最终提出了社区矫正对象选择的路径,即以犯罪人格的区分来选取社区矫正的对象。矫正当局应当通过一系列法律制度、人员配置、经费划拨、机构设立,来保障社区矫正对象的正确选取,以实现社区矫正的目标和任务,体现人本主义关怀,使得犯罪人能够得到适宜其改造的矫治方法。     

African-American and white inequality in the nineteenth century American South: a biological comparison

The use of height data to measure living standards is now a well-established method in economic history. By using a new source of nineteenth century Texas state prison records, the present study contrasts the heights of comparable blacks and whites between the Civil War and Reconstruction in the American South. White stature exceeded black stature. Between 1850 and 1870, black stature declined by more than 1 cm but recovered toward the end of the nineteenth century. Postbellum white stature declined by more than 1 1/2 cm over the same period yet never recovered.

绑架罪客观要件争议问题的再探讨--以绑架罪的犯罪客体为理论视角

绑架罪的犯罪客体是他人的人身自由权和第三人的自决权。立足于这一视角,绑架罪的客观行为是复合行为而非单一行为,其犯罪方法除了暴力、胁迫、麻醉外,还包括其他手段。本罪的成立不要求“以将被害人劫离原处所”为要件。     

缓刑制度研究

我国刑法中的缓刑是以犯罪人人身危险性的基本消失为适用前提的行刑制度。虽然刑法界对缓刑制度的性质和地位认识不同,但缓刑制度作为一种刑罚执行制度,具有裁量与行刑的双重属性。缓刑作为一种刑罚制度,起源于西方,它的产生是与自由刑的广泛适用紧密联合在一起的,我国的缓刑制度是清末从西方引进的,它是在总结实践经验的基础上,参考了其他国家的缓刑制度而制定的。它体现了我国刑法的社会性质,又考虑了犯罪分子的具体情况。目前我国的缓刑制度与其他一些国家关于缓刑条件的规定相比,是比较科学的、合理的。它既考虑了犯罪事实的客观因素,又考虑了犯罪分子的认罪态度的主观因素,既考虑了犯罪分子的人身危险性,又考虑了其平时的一贯表现和今后不致再危害社会的可能性。     

论网络思想政治教育中主客体关系的变化及工作理念创新

网络思想政治教育是思想政治教育与信息网络相结合的产物,是思想政治教育的一种现代化方式。网络在改变教育传播活动的生存环境,拓展教育传播的空间和渠道的同时,也改变了传统思想政治教育活动中的主客体关系,导致主客体的内涵发生变化,对思想政治教育的理论与实践发展产生基础性影响。本文在分析传统思想政治教育主客体关系的基础上,指出了网络环境下主客体关系所发生的变化及其对思想政治教育工作的影响,并提出了针对性的工作思路和理念。     

Revisiting gendered assumptions of practitioner power: An exploratory study examining the role of social media expertise

The purpose of this exploratory study was to expand upon previous literatures in public relations power, and fill the need for more scholarship regarding practitioners’ perceptions of social media work, power, and gender. Findings from a survey of PRSA members showed that there is a gendered difference in power perception between males and females regardless of their PR roles or level of experience, but social media expertise was perceived equally between both genders. We argue that while social media expertise may serve to reduce a gendered power divide in public relations, continued critical exploration of social media and gender inequality is necessary.     

Tweeting about emergency: A semantic network analysis of government organizations’ social media messaging during Hurricane Harvey

While social media like Twitter have been increasingly adopted by public-sector organizations, it remains less explored as to how government and emergency management (EM) organizations use these platforms to communicate with the public in response to emerging natural disasters. Extending the Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT) to the realm of social media, this study examines the emerging semantic networks from 67 government and EM organizations’ official tweets during Hurricane Harvey over a three-week period. It identifies how multiple crisis response strategies—including instructing information, adjusting information, and bolstering—are constituted of different issues, actions, and organizational actors before, during, and immediately after the disaster event. Results suggest that government agencies use the strategy of instructing information predominantly before and during the disaster, whereas adjusting information and bolstering strategies are utilized more during post-disaster recovery. The study offers theoretical and practical implications of using a semantic network approach to studying organizational crisis responses.     

Mexican illegality,black citizenship,and white power: immigrant perceptions of the U.S. socioracial hierarchy

While some scholars contend that immigrant integration is predicated on a strategic distancing from Blacks and closeness to Whites, others argue that highly racialised immigrants share more commonality with Black Americans than Whites. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Mexican immigrant newcomers to Los Angeles, California, this article examines how immigrants make sense of their position in U.S. socioracial hierarchy vis-à-vis other racialised groups. I show that as immigrants navigate U.S. social, racial, and political landscapes, they come to view ‘American-ness’ and the citizenship status inherent in it as a key marker of distinction between themselves and those they deem ‘American’. Immigrants thus view their group status as an inferior one relative not only to the dominant White group, but also to Black Americans, albeit for qualitatively different reasons. Findings highlight how the vulnerability of ‘illegality’ not only reinforces existing social boundaries with Whites, but also shapes the nature of socioracial boundaries with Black Americans that can hinder the potential for racial solidarity and has broader implications for the U.S. socioracial hierarchy.