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101.
罗亚娟 《中国农业大学学报(社会科学版)》2015,32(4):59-67
现有关于环境抗争的研究,更偏重于环境抗争行动所处的外部社会环境以及环境抗争的策略、组织等外显特征,对环境抗争行动者遭遇污染后如何在其规范体系中做出反应、形成行动策略的内在结构涉及较少。基于沙岗村案例中村民环境抗争行动的结构分析,发现村民们行动在以“差序礼义”为特征的规范体系内:无论是与污染企业主的对抗,还是通过上访与政府发生互动,村民们做出行动决定时,首先都以其自身与企业主、政府的差序性关系定位为基础,行动策略的决定依据于其规范体系中特定关系所对应的礼义规范。村民环境抗争行动具有其独特的乡土意义。脱离村民经验世界中的规范体系理解村民抗争行动的意义,会造成对村民行动的误解、偏见,不利于环境纠纷的解决。 相似文献
102.
抑制与抗争:建国初期的政府与私营工商界(1949-1952) 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
建国初期,由于政府继续维持革命时代的“劳资协商”政策,私营工商界情绪逐渐稳定,并主动配合政府贯彻各项政策。政府为迅速恢复经济,稳定社会秩序,采用加工定货、统购包销等措施“援助”私营工商界。但私营工商界经济好转之后,出于对利益的本能追求,对政府“援助”采取了或明或暗的抗拒态度。政府出于现实考虑,主动妥协,进行了多次政策调整。但政府的妥协并不意味着原谅私营工商界的“不忠”。1952年初,国民经济初步恢复之后,政府发起“五反”运动,以打击“五毒”行为的名义对私营工商界进行了声势浩大的思想改造。通过“五反”,私营工商界与政府之间的矛盾与冲突最终以前者的屈服而宣告终结。从此,私营工商界完全转变经营方向,成为政府社会改造战略的忠实配合者。 相似文献
103.
王庆勇 《广东工业大学学报(社会科学版)》2006,6(3):48-50
文章从分析美国黑人文学各个阶段的主要小说入手,以时间为序,结合美国的历史背景,揭示美国黑人小说主题由血泪史到抗议再到自省的嬗变过程,并兼及其艺术手法由现实主义到现代主义的转变。 相似文献
104.
刘力锐 《广州大学学报(社会科学版)》2013,12(6):33-38
框架是通过对现实事件进行有意识地筛选、凸现和重组,重新定义事件、建构意义的行为和过程。它是围绕价值观和意义生产的控制权而展开的争夺,是网络舆论交锋的最高层阶。在网络议程设置失灵的态势下,抢占框架建构的制高点,成为政府引导网络抗议风暴的关键。框架在网络抗议风暴中发挥着标注、归因、引导三大功能,是驱动抗议发展的软力量。政府要根据抗议框架的不同结构和类型,形成强迫性框架、责难性框架、解释性框架、建设性框架等不同的框架组合,并将这些框架组合灵活而艺术地植入到抗议风暴发展周期中的触发点、临界点、转折点和关节点等四大关键点中,实现对网络抗议风暴全程性同步式的引导,提高网络舆情的政府治理能力。 相似文献
105.
胡兵 《中国农业大学学报(社会科学版)》2016,33(4):76-84
本文主张通过政治话语“和谐”来导引抗争文化,寻找当前农村社会治理的新机制。农村社会的抗争文化与抗争事件密切相关,往往经过长时间的沉淀比较稳定。近年来,随着形势的发展变化,集体公共文化不断弱化,抗争事件中政治因素趋向增强,使得抗争文化转向“激烈”。通过引导地域文化、关注抗争过程、尊重司法结果,化解抗争政治,使得基层治理更加有序。通过重建公共领域文化、引导外来多元文化及去除抗争性的文化,使其转向“温和”,从而达到治理的目标,形成和谐有序的社会秩序。 相似文献
106.
刑事诉讼管辖权异议的裁判体系 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
房保国 《烟台大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2004,17(1):54-61
刑事诉讼管辖权异议是当事人的一项重要的救济性程序权利,它是当事人刑事诉讼诉权的重要体现,是维护公平审判权利的重要保障。刑事管辖权异议的裁判体系是刑事程序性裁判的重要内容,它包括管辖权异议的申请主体、申请机构、申请期间、申请理由、举证责任、证明标准、裁决机制和法律后果等要素。我国的刑事诉讼管辖权异议制度严重缺失,这一制度在我国的构建存在严重障碍。 相似文献
107.
Joel Stillerman 《Qualitative sociology》2006,29(4):507-530
Recent discussions of contentious politics have focused on struggles in and over space and place. This article builds upon
these concerns by using ethnographic, interview, and documentary data to analyze the spatial politics of street market vendors
in Santiago, Chile. Drawing upon Lefebvre’s concepts of perceived, conceived, and lived space as well as ideas drawn from
research on space and protest, I show how street market vendors build upon spatial routines, a sense of place, political alliances,
and scale jumping in their self-defense strategies at the local, national, and international scales. The findings illustrate
Lefebvre’s argument that the advance of abstract space (constructed by dominant economic and political elites) provokes resistance
by groups who defend and seek to reconstruct lived space.
相似文献
Joel StillermanEmail: |
108.
Conceptualizing Resistance 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Recently, there has been a rapid proliferation of scholarship on resistance but little consensus on its definition. In this paper, we review and synthesize the diverse literatures that invoke the concept of resistance. This review illuminates both core elements common to most uses of the concept and two central dimensions on which these uses vary: the questions of whether resistance must be recognized by others and whether it must be intentional. We use these two dimensions to develop a typology of resistance, thereby clarifying both the meaning and sociological utility of this concept. 相似文献
109.
Coming as a surprise to most observers and following the self‐immolation of a street vendor in a remote town of central Tunisia, the Jasmine Revolution of 2010–2011, the first uprising of the Arab Spring, has often been seen as a success story for digital communication through widespread use of social media. We suggest that this applied to the later phase of the protests in Tunisia but not to the initial phase, which occurred in local areas in impoverished and marginalized regions with highly limited access to the Internet. The initial phase lasted a full 10 days before the protests reached major cities where social media operated. Building on Tilly's concept of trust network, we offer the concept of local solidarities as key to the beginning of the Arab Spring uprisings and as encompassing spatial proximity, shared marginalized status, and kinship, all of which combined to serve as a basis for trust and collective action. 相似文献
110.
Generally ignoring firearm‐deaths by suicide, “common sense” divides gun violence into two distinct types of phenomena: urban gun violence and mass shootings. At a cursory level, these phenomena seem distinct because of the difference in the number of victims killed during a particular shooting, rather than subtypes co‐creating a master category defined by gun violence. As a result, gunshot deaths of black and brown bodies in urban settings, which constitute the majority of deaths by gun violence after suicide, are viewed as routine whereas gunshot deaths in suburban settings are extraordinary and worthy of outrage. In this article, we draw on ethnographic observation to compare protest vigils in urban communities comprised predominantly of people of color, in suburban areas that are mostly white, and at the national level in order to uncover the racialized processes of symbolic classification by which this “commonsense” view is produced and how it is challenged by activists. We use the framework of cultural pragmatics to analyze these vigils, making visible the racialized forms of domination that structure activism and, we contend, ultimately divide gun violence into two distinct phenomena rather than constituting a master category. We argue that cultural pragmatics provides a way to understand what it means to challenge culture as emphasized by the multi‐institutional politics approach to social movements. 相似文献