外资大量进入对我国经济安全的挑战与应对

改革开放以来,随着我国经济的快速增长以及对外开放程度的不断提高,越来越多的外国资本开始进入我国,我国已连续多年成为吸收外资最多的发展中国家。巨额外商直接投资的引入,一方面促进了我国的经济增长, 带来了诸多的经济效益;另一方面,由于当前引资工作的盲目性,对我国的经济安全构成了挑战。针对这一问题,介绍了当前外资进入我国的新动向,分析了外资对我国经济安全的各种挑战,并提出了应对的思路和对策。     

江西省外来入侵植物现状分析

调查研究发现,江西省现有外来入侵植物85种,隶属27个科64个属,且主要集中在菊科、禾本科、豆科和苋科,上述4科总计包括入侵植物50种,占全部种类的58.9%。入侵危害性最强的植物种有22种,占入侵植物总数的25.9%;入侵性较强的植物种有28种,占总数的32.9%,入侵性最弱的有35种,占总数的41.2%。一年生或两年生草本有25种,占总数的45.5%;多年生草本有27种,占总数的49.1%。在地理起源方面,江西省入侵植物多来自于美洲和欧洲。研究结果表明,江西省入侵植物的种类数量和入侵危害性均呈上升趋势。     

空中交通管理系统安全评价研究

针对以往空中交通管理系统安全评价的不全面性,提出要从\     

Evaluating the effectiveness of four Hong Kong antismoking cartoon posters with humor and threat elements

Although cartoons are widely used in health communication, their effectiveness has seldom been tested. In this study, the effects of four humor–threat antismoking cartoon posters are evaluated in a sample of 12- to 15-year-olds (n = 183) in Hong Kong. The five-group comparison (including the control group) revealed that these posters did not increase antismoking attitudes in the sample but did decrease antismoking behavioral intentions. The better liked, more humorous, and more frightening posters did not produce increased antismoking attitudes or behavioral intentions. These findings warrant the development of theories to clarify the role of humor in health communication. Although cartoons are well liked by adolescents, practitioners must be aware of the possible negative effects of humor in cartoon-based messages.     

新安全观的逻辑确证--国际社会安全问题的政治学意义分析

从学理视角对安全问题进行理性分析是国际政治学的重要课题。安全是一个立体式、集约式的国际政治学概念;新安全观的历史逻辑前提是当今国际社会出现了国际旧秩序、帝国主义、极端民族主义和极端宗教主义、非传统安全威胁等所造成的一系列安全困境,国际社会应当建立以互信、互利、平等和协作为基本逻辑框架的新安全观。     

论美国外贸法中的调整援助

调整援助是美国<1962年贸易扩大法>首次设立的一种进口救济手段,在<1974年贸易法>中得到进一步的完善.它是指对因为大量公平进口的外国产品的竞争,而遭受严重损害或严重损害威胁的工人、企业和社会团体的政府补助.目的是保护国内产业,提高本国产品竞争力,但其负面影响也日益显现.     

Are Hispanics the new ‘Threat’? Minority group threat and fear of crime in Miami-Dade County

Research examining the determinants of fear of crime has arguably raised more questions than it has answered. This exploratory study addresses one of the compelling questions that remains unanswered: what is the role of ethnicity, both at the community and individual levels, in understanding variation in fear of crime? Guided by racial or minority group threat theory, we examine the relative sizes of both the Black and Latino populations as indicators of minority group threat to determine their role in understanding individual fear of crime in a city where Latinos represent a much larger proportion of the population than Blacks (Miami-Dade County, Florida). Furthermore, the race and ethnic backgrounds of the respondents are also considered to evaluate their role in understanding variation in the fear of crime. Using both Census tract-level data and data collected from a NIDA sponsored grant that was part of a larger study about physically disabled residents, our findings reveal that in Miami-Dade County where Blacks are highly segregated from whites, the relative size of the Latino population is a predictor of fear of crime among white residents. Implications of this finding are considered, including a call for more nuanced research focusing on the predictors of fear of crime within multiethnic communities.     

中国经济崛起和中美经贸关系:美国国会的认知与反应

在美国国会部分议员看来,中国经济的崛起已经、正在或将会对美国的国家利益造成损害;中国持续高涨的经济对美国的“威胁”是真实而全方位的。为此,美国国会通过听证和立法等手段对布什政府频频施压,试图在诸如“人民币汇率”、“纺织品谈判”、“知识产权保护”等一系列问题上对中国采取更加强硬的立场。本文结合美国最新一届国会在对华问题上的听证和立法材料,分析国会对中国经济崛起的认知与行为反应模式,探讨美国“中国经济威胁论”背后的深层次动因。     

Constructing Threat and Appropriating “Civil Rights”: Rhetorical Strategies of Gun Rights and English Only Leaders

Using a grounded theory method, we analyze the framing strategies of organizational leaders of the gun rights and English Only movements. Although we find greater variability in the framing strategies of English Only leaders, leaders of both movements mobilize fear by rhetorically constructing moral threats to American society in ways that draw on, and uphold, the ideals and practices of dominant social groups. In doing so, they appeal to their constituents' status anxieties. We also find that these movements engage in a particular form of frame transformation that we call “frame appropriation” to counter opponents' claims and broaden their support. Future research should examine when and how, and to what effect, other social movements similarly mobilize fear and engage in frame appropriation.     

Implicit Black identification and stereotype threat among African American students

This study detects statistically significant and substantively large stereotype threat effects that would remain hidden if Black identification were measured only explicitly. Three hundred and fifty-one students at Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) were tested on an implicit Black identification measure in an online survey, and stereotype threat was manipulated beforehand by randomly presenting one of three introductory screens: an all-White research team (high-threat condition), an all-Black research team (low-threat condition), or no team picture (control condition). The implicit Black identification measure predicted pro-Black political opinions (regarding affirmative action and government aid to Blacks, slavery reparations, and the Racial Resentment Scale), high performance on a political knowledge test, and high self-reported political participation. However, under the high-threat condition, Black students with the highest implicit Black identification scores answered 25% fewer political knowledge questions correctly, and reported 25% fewer acts of political participation, compared with students operating under the low-threat conditions.