谵妄的记忆与精神献祭——新时期“归来”批评群体论

“归来”批评群体内在精神结构中存在着“五四”的文化母性崇拜。新时期他们对文学/社会关系的想像与重建,就是这种精神母题的延续。特定的历史处境,造成他们批评意识中与政治的紧张关系和无法摆脱的“政治情结”。对西方话语的羞怯和九十年代世俗伦理、文学风貌的抗拒,是他们退出评坛的现实依据。     

论唐代试诗体系的构建及与文德政治之关系

唐代“以诗取士”择才标准与方式的产生有其服务于文德政治的特定用意,这与统治者尊孔崇儒、认同诗歌政教功能的思想有关。通过全面考察进士科、吏部铨试、博学宏词科、制举、翰林学士院考试中的试诗现象,可以发现唐代在举士选官领域建立了一个较为完整的试诗体系,它对文德政治的实现产生了重要影响。     

从人治的贤人政体到法治的混合政体——论柏拉图政体观的演变

作为西方思想史上首位系统研究政体的学者,柏拉图在《理想国》、《政治家篇》、《法律篇》三部著作中分别阐述了其早期、中期、晚期不同的政体主张。从早期的贤人政体到晚期的混合政体,他的政体观经历了一个从人治到法治的转变过程。这一过程体现了柏拉图从理想向现实的转变,其所阐述的法治思想和混合政体主张构成了西方法律思想的传统,并对近代的启蒙思想产生了深远的影响。     

孙中山对西方政体理论的创新和发展

孙中山在相当程度上突破了代议制和三权分立理论的局限,丰富和发展了西方资产阶级的政体理论。具体来说,在人民与政权的关系问题上,创立了复合民主制理论;在国家权力结构的布局上,创立了复合分权学说,构建了独特的国家权力结构体系;在国家权力的制衡上,创立了与“权能区分”相联系的制衡理论。这一理论本质上虽仍是资产阶级的政体理论,但它体现了较高的民主性和合理性,为我们今天的民主政治建设提供了有益启示。     

Do Commercial Debt‐for‐Nature Swaps Matter for Forests? A Cross‐National Test of World Polity Theory1

We present cross‐national models of forest loss from 1990–2005 that examine the impact of commercial debt‐for‐nature swaps. In doing so, we find substantial support for world polity theory that poor nations that implement these swaps tend to have lower rates of deforestation than poor nations that do not implement these swaps. We also find support for another aspect of world polity theory—poor nations with higher levels of international nongovernmental organizations have lower rates of forest loss. A number of other factors, including structural adjustment, debt service, democracy, population growth, and domestic economic activity, also predict deforestation. We conclude by discussing the findings, theoretical implications, methodological implications, policy suggestions, and possible directions for future research.     

析礼制在传统建筑中的表现

中国素被称为礼仪之邦,礼制文化是中国文化中一个重要组成部分。本文主要从空间格局、比例尺度以及色彩、材质等方面结合实例分析礼制思想在传统建筑中的表现,充分反映了建筑作为文化的载体所蕴涵的深刻的文化思想。     

Global Civil Society and Ethnic Social Movements in the Contemporary World

Studies on ethnic movements have largely overlooked the global dimensions of ethnic social movements. Drawing on social movement theories and the world culture approach, I argue that linkage to global civil society gives rise to ethnic mobilization because it diffuses models of claim-making based on human rights ideas, while intergovernmental networks suppress ethnic mobilization as they enhance state power and authority. Tobit analyses on violent and nonviolent ethnic mobilizations show that, controlling for domestic factors, linkage to global civil society raises the potential for ethnic social movements, while intergovernmental networks do not have a strong impact on ethnic mobilization.     

后金融危机时期河南省利用外资的思考及发展策略

经受过金融海啸的洗礼之后,河南省利用外资不仅在引资规模、引资行业、资金来源地和投资模式方面出现众多新的特点,而且也面临经济开放度低、产业集聚效应不明显、高素质人才缺乏和经济优势不明显等更多的挑战。后金融危机时代是机遇与挑战并存的时期,正确认识和处理这些新的现象及问题将直接关系到河南省开放型经济的建设质量,应充分发挥自身优势,代"危"为"机",进一步提高对外开放的规模和水平,全力提升应对危机的能力:提高经济开放度,充分发挥外资的溢出效应;优化产业结构,营造有利外资发展的产业环境;建设人力资源大省,提升人力资源素质;完善基础设施,充分发挥区位优势。     

Participation in international human rights NGOs: The effect of democracy and state capacity

This study examines the effect of the state on participation in human rights international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) from 1966 through 2006, using random effects negative binomial models. Civic participation in human rights INGOs is not responsive to human rights abuses of the state, but is affected by the institutional environment provided by the state. Two intertwined dimensions within the state, democracy and state capacity, are found to be important in explaining cross-national variation in this participation. Strong state capacity magnifies the effect of democracy. A strong democratic state generates the most favorable condition. A strong but authoritarian state, however, is the most unfavorable, because it has both the motive and the capacity to restrain its citizens’ global civic engagement. In contrast, an authoritarian but weak state lacks adequate capacity to intervene, and thus tolerates more participation than its strong counterpart. Over time differential participation across different types of states has not been diminished. This study reveals the role of the state in mediating between local citizens and global civil society, and develops a state-centered explanation for unequal participation in human rights INGOs across countries.     

Migration,International Telecommunications,and Human Rights1

World polity embeddedness has traditionally been measured by state and civil participation in formal venues, including international organizations, multilateral agreements, and world conferences. In this study, we highlight an alternative form of embeddedness found in cross‐national social relations and apply this framework to the human rights sector of the world polity. Specifically, we propose that the international migrant community diffuses human rights values and practices via (1) local performance and (2) cross‐national communication. Using data from the World Values Survey, we first show that immigrants are more likely to embrace, and actively participate in, the human rights movement. Next, using network data that report country‐to‐country bilateral flows, we observe a high degree of correspondence between international migration and telecommunications, confirming previous studies that trace telephone traffic to the flow of people. Finally, analyzing a balanced data set of 333 observations across 111 countries spanning the 1975–2000 period, we use ordered probit regression to assess the local and cross‐national effects of migrants on a state’s human rights record. We find that a country’s immigration level and its in‐degree centrality in international telecommunications both positively affect its Amnesty International rating, and that these effects are robust to a number of alternative specifications.