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61.
英国马戛尔尼使团的“北京经验”   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
英国马戛尔尼使团访华是中英关系史上的一个重要事件。使团在北京、热河的经历是其访华过程中的重头戏,使团成员留下的大量日记、游记、报告和绘画,详细记录了他们在北京、热河访问时所获得的有关风土人情、地理环境、人口、妇女、军事、官场等方面的现场材料,填补了此前英国人没有亲身游历北京、热河、天津等地的空白,成为鸦片战争前英国人"北京经验"的主要材料来源。本文着重分析使团成员对北京的叙述。  相似文献   
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Abstract

British cultural studies has, in an innovative and exciting way over the last three or four decades, opened up spaces for the serious analysis of many aspects of culture, including those inextricably related to questions of ‘race’, ethnicity and subordinated groups in urban environments in Britain. However, there have been a number of weaknesses and omissions with regard to Britain's black, Caribbean-descended population. Some of these are possibly the result of earlier, unresolved theoretical and methodological disputes within the field of cultural studies; others stem, perhaps, from an over-reliance on approaches arising out of youth subcultural analytical frameworks. Consequently, less than the required attention has been paid to the active cultures of achievement developed by the adult, black working-class population of Caribbean descent in Britain from the 1950s to the 1990s.  相似文献   
64.
教学实践表明,英语专业本科学生的英美文学课程大多遵循以教师为中心的授课传统,缺乏启发性和创造性。将建构主义学习理论和英美文学课程相结合,在文学课堂上使用Lecture PLUS法改革教学模式,可以发挥教师的主导作用和学生的主体作用,并充分体现师范院校的特色。  相似文献   
65.
Scholarship on Muslim political mobilisation in the West has developed as an important counterpoint to public discourse, which has tended to cast Muslims as a threat to social cohesion, liberal democracy, and national security. But even as scholarly literature has shed light on civic participation among Muslims, it has sidelined the diversity of political identities and values that motivate them. Most, if not all, Muslims in the West find their identities politicised in some way, but the question of whether this leads to a consensus amongst Muslims about the role of religion in public life often remains unexamined. In this article we draw on interviews with seventy-eight activists in Britain and the United States who are both Muslim and Arab to complicate ideas about the political mobilisation of Muslims in the West. Respondents, we show, are far from unified in their views on religion as a basis for political action and mobilisation. Some are keen to place Islam squarely in mainstream political spaces; most, however, are insistent that Islam should remain a private faith and identity and that political mobilisation should take place under the aegis of Arabness or other ‘secular’ identities. Using theoretical perspectives on the public sphere, we explain the complexity of our respondents' political identities and activism. Our overall aim is to broaden perspectives on the ways in which people from Muslim backgrounds participate in public, political life in Western contexts.  相似文献   
66.
Increasingly, the term ‘desi’ amongst British Asians has been commonly used to describe South Asian diasporic cultural forms and practices, particularly regarding musical genres and styles. This article opens up debate on its contested meanings and usage within the London Asian urban music scene. In unpacking the complex and contradictory meanings and uses of ‘desi’ across time, space and place, ‘desiness’ becomes exemplary of the ambivalent spaces of youthful diasporic identities in process. I argue that cultural practices, such as music production and consumption, provide critical tools to critique one-dimensional notions of ‘Britishness’ and ‘Asianness’, as well as to reassert normative notions of belonging and diaspora. The exploration of diasporic identities in the making within the spaces of London Asian cultural production highlights the importance of everyday forms and practices and fosters a better understanding of multiculture and new modes of belonging in London.  相似文献   
67.
Evidence of military involvement in sexual exploitation and aggression against civilians on peacekeeping operations has led many feminists to question the appropriateness of using soldiers to create peace. They argue that the problems stem from a particular form of military masculinity, hegemonic within western militaries, associated with practices of strength, toughness and aggressive heterosexuality. Masculinities, however, are multiple, dynamic and contradictory. As they are constructed in relation to the contexts men find themselves in, involvement in peacekeeping may itself play a role in the construction of alternative military masculinities. Examining autobiographical accounts of soldiers involved in peacekeeping in Bosnia in the 1990s, I argue that there is evidence of an alternative discourse of ‘peacekeeper masculinity’, but question whether it fully challenges the hegemony of the warrior model. I acknowledge that peacekeeper masculinity is also problematic because although it disrupts elements of the traditional linkages between militarism and masculinity, it still relies on a feminized and racialized ‘Other’. Yet, I suggest that this is not the only way in which peacekeeper masculinity can be viewed. It can alternatively be considered part of a ‘regendered military’, which may be a necessary component of successful conflict resolution.  相似文献   
68.
文化的形成和发展深受时代的影响,也给时代烙上了深刻的印记.经济状况、政治背景、社会风潮以独特的方式塑造当时的文化,并且被那段文化所折射.英国绅士文化的发展是一个漫长的历程,在不同的历史阶段有着不尽相同的特点.探讨维多利亚时期经济、政治、文化对当时绅士文化的作用,以及绅士文化对时下的服装潮流、文学创作和社会教育的反作用,揭示社会塑造文化,文化反拨社会的反哺互动.这方面的研究对于我国当下文化强国战略中文化和社会的相互利好有着很强的借鉴价值.  相似文献   
69.
This article focuses on a key Gainsborough costume melodrama, Madonna of the Seven Moons (1944). Following the critical revaluation of the ‘woman's film’, feminist film scholars have celebrated Madonna's feminine aesthetics and extravagant Italian setting, seen as an alternative to the austerity of Britain's wartime self‐definition. Using this position as a point of debate, I explore some hitherto ignored implications of the film's representation of Italianness, arguing that Madonna actually reinforces national boundaries by relying on long‐established notions of ‘Britishness’ and ‘Italianness’, and owes its box‐office success to the validation of Italy's ambivalent place in British fantasy.  相似文献   
70.
Localism has become a central feature of British political debate in recent years. This article traces the emergence and development of localism within all the three major UK parties – Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats – and seeks to explain why this transformation has taken place. Localism involves a radical ideological critique of the central state and seeks to replace it with more local forms of political organisation. In particular, this article distinguishes between ‘liberal’ and ‘communitarian’ forms of localism. Finally, this article evaluates the strength of localist claims to both empower individuals and allow for the expression of communal identity, concluding that there are fundamental flaws in localist arguments which allow for the re-emergence of the central state as a key actor.  相似文献   
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