亲亲相隐制度的解读与重构——以和谐社会为背景的思考

我国的亲亲相隐制度源于儒家思想,其合理性基础是人性的根本需求.当行为人面临道德义务和法律义务冲突时,法律是不能强人所难的.顺应当下构建和谐社会之需要,解读亲亲相隐制度的合理价值蕴涵,并借鉴国外刑事法的相关规定,重构亲亲相隐制度具有重大现实意义.     

稳定低生育水平与中国家庭养老关系的再思考

稳定低生育水平不会对家庭养老功能带来负面影响。主要理由是 :1.衡量家庭养老功能的标准已经变化。2 .家庭养老的本质是国家性家庭养老。 3.稳定低生育水平与家庭养老的关系不是单因素对单因素的关系 ,而是系统与系统的关系     

试论我国行政事业单位人力资源管理的现状及对策

行政事业单位的管理水平对整个国民经济的发展有着重要的作用。目前我国人力资源管理还存在种种缺陷,为改变现状,从宏观上应改革现有的行政事业单位管理体制;从微观上对基层工作人员引入竞争机制,对中上层干部,实行终身雇佣制,同时应建立公平的干部选拔机制和合理的分配体制。     

高质量发展评价指标体系探讨

党的十九大作出我国经济已由高速增长阶段转向高质量发展阶段的重大判断。测度高质量发展的前提是,在准确理解和把握高质量发展内涵的基础上构建一套科学合理的评价指标体系。通过对高质量发展统计内涵的深入考察,本文在充分梳理、借鉴国内外有关同类评价指标体系的基础上,从“人民美好生活需要”和“不平衡不充分发展”这个社会主要矛盾的两个方面着手,构建了一个由经济活力、创新效率、绿色发展、人民生活、社会和谐5个部分共27个指标构成的高质量发展评价指标体系。该指标体系的特点是：紧扣高质量发展的内涵和新时代社会主要矛盾的变化,指标数量不多但覆盖新发展理念的各个方面,指标不重复,数据易获得。     

论中国历史上的三次制度设计

自三代始,迄于近代,上下四千年。其间,制度设计之事,史不绝书。然而,择其具有原创意义、影响中国历史进程的制度设计,主要有三次,分别出现在周代、秦朝和近代。在中国文化语境中,古代制度设计权属于王和圣,虽为价值有涉,但也使“天下为家”体现出“天下为公”的理想。前两次制度设计以家天下政治为核心,先后形成了王制和帝制的模式;近代以孙中山为首的民族资产阶级的制度设计,效仿法、美模式,开启中国民主制度的先河,奠定了中国政治的基本方向。从历史背景、设计者及思想来源、系统性、创新性、本质性和对外影响来比较,三次制度设计既有相同性也存在着本质差别。三次制度设计对中国历史的进程有重要影响,可以作为中国历史上时代划分的标志。三次制度设计皆发生在中国历史转折时期,其影响之深远,意义之重大,留下了宝贵的历史经验、启示和借鉴。     

The impact of managerial political ties on corporate governance and debt financing: Evidence from Ghana

In this study, we draw upon insights from agency theory to examine the impact of managerial political ties on cost of debt and also to explore whether corporate governance mediates this impact. We hypothesize that political ties reduce financial reporting quality, disclosure of non-financial information and board independence, and are therefore associated with higher interest rates. We also hypothesize that the negative effect of political ties on the cost of debt will be stronger if firms borrow from privately-owned banks versus government-owned banks. Using data from Ghana, we find support for our direct and moderation hypotheses; political ties are associated with high interest rates and poor corporate governance. However, we do not find evidence of mediation. Altogether, the findings reveal the dark side of political connections and highlight the cost of political embeddedness in emerging credit markets.     

A dynamic business modelling approach to design and experiment new business venture strategies

Business Modelling has evolved as a key activity to reflect new business venture strategy by framing the way a firm will operate and how it will function in achieving its goals (e.g., profitability, growth, innovation, social impact). However, scholars and practitioners have criticized the adoption of a too static perspective in the design and use of conventional Business Model representations. Such a static perspective prevents nascent entrepreneurs experimenting with their Business Models and, as a result, identifying the most effective strategies, especially in terms of business sustainability and profitability. In this paper, we argue that combining conventional Business Model schemas with System Dynamics modelling results in a strategy design tool that may overcome several limitations related to a static view of Business Model representation. Mapping the different key elements underlying value creation processes into a system of causal interdependencies – through the use of simulation – allows strategy analysts and entrepreneurs to experiment and learn how the business reacts to strategic and organizational changes in terms of performance, innovation and value creation. As such, Dynamic Business Models provide useful insights to strategy formulation and business venturing by capturing how critical Business Model elements interact to produce enduring competitive advantages over time.     

Three notes on a political economy of youth

The paper seeks to makes a contribution to a recent debate in the Journal about what a political economy of youth might look like. The paper will take up aspects of Sukarieh and Tannock’s [2016. ‘On the political economy of youth: a comment.’ Journal of Youth Studies 19 (9): 1281–1289] response to the initial contributions by Côté [2014. ‘Towards a New Political Economy of Youth.’ Journal of Youth Studies 17 (4): 527–543, 2016. ‘A New Political Economy of Youth Reprised: Rejoinder to France and Threadgold.’ Journal of Youth Studies.] And France and Threadgold [2015. ‘Youth and Political Economy: Towards a Bourdieusian Approach.’ Journal of Youth Studies], and will take the form of three ‘notes’: Capitalism: From the first industrial revolution to the third industrial revolution; Youth as an artefact of governmentalised expertise; The agency/structure problem in youth studies: Foucault’s dispositif and post-human exceptionalism.

These notes will suggest that twenty-first century capitalism is globalising, is largely neo-Liberal, and is being reconfigured in profound ways by the Anthropocene, bio-genetics, Artificial Intelligence (AI), and the Internet of Things (IoT). A political economy of twenty-first century capitalism, let alone a political economy of young people, must be able to account for a capitalism that in many ways looks like the capitalism of the First and Second Industrial Revolutions, but which is at the same time profoundly different as it enters what has often been described as the Third Industrial Revolution. It is these profound emergences that pose the greatest challenges for engaging with a political economy of youth.     

Just another brick in the wall? The relationship between classroom-based political education and the political interest of young adults in Switzerland

This article asks whether political education at upper secondary school – i.e. shortly before or at the age when young people receive the right to vote – affects individual political interest as well as differences in political interest between social groups. Empirically, we use a novel data set combining individual student data with information on classroom-based political education as well as teacher characteristics. We do not find support for a more or less automatic and positive effect of classroom-based political education on young people’s political interest. Whereas we analyzed three dimensions of political education (knowledge, skills, arousing interest in politics), the skills dimension was the only one that exhibited a consistent positive (and mostly significant) relationship with young peoples’ political interest. Moreover, classroom-based political education seems not to compensate for a lack of political socialization at home but rather tends to affect students with politically interested parents most strongly.     

The methodology of a multi-model project examining how facebook infrastructures social relations

It is the purpose of this paper to make explicit the methodology (the theory of the methods) by which we conducted research for an Economic and Social Research Council-funded research project on the relationship of values to value. Specifically, we wanted to study the imperative of Facebook to monetize social relationships, what happens when one of our significant forms of communication is driven by the search for profit, by the logic of capital. We therefore wanted to ‘get inside’ and understand what capital's new lines of flight, informationally driven models of economic expansion, do to social relations. Taking up the challenge to develop methods appropriate to the challenges of ‘big data', we applied four different methods to investigate the interface that is Facebook: we designed custom software tools, generated an online survey, developed data visualizations, and conducted interviews with participants to discuss their understandings of our analysis. We used Lefebvre's [(2004). Rhythmnanalysis: Space, time and everyday life. London: Continuum] rhythmanalysis and Kember and Zylinska's [(2012). Life after new media: Mediation as a vital process. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press] ideas about ‘lifeness’ to inform our methodology. This paper reports on a research process that was not entirely straightforward. We were thwarted in a variety of ways, especially by challenge to use software to study software and had to develop our project in unanticipated directions, but we also found much more than we initially imagined possible. As so few academic researchers are able to study Facebook through its own tools (as Tufekci [(2014 Tufekci, Z. (2014). Big questions for social media big data: Representativeness, validity and other methodological pitfalls. In ICWSM ‘14: Proceedings of the 8th International AAAI Conference on Weblogs and Social Media, pp. 505–514. [Google Scholar]). Big questions for social media big data: Representativeness, validity and other methodological pitfalls. In ICWSM ‘14: Proceedings of the 8th International AAAI Conference on Weblogs and Social Media (pp. 505–514)] notes how, unsurprisingly, at the 2013 ICWSM only about 5% of papers were about Facebook and nearly all of these were co-authored with Facebook data scientists), we hope that our methodology is useful for other researchers seeking to develop less conventional research on Facebook.