“Empowerment” as efficiency and participation: gender in responsible agricultural investment principles

Amidst global concern over the state of transnational large-scale agricultural investments, several efforts have been made to set global standards for “responsible agricultural investment.” While these efforts have received mixed reviews from the international community, very little attention has been paid to the gendered language of these principles. Through examining two separate sets of agricultural investment principles – one created by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the International Fund for Agricultural Development and the World Bank, and the other by the United Nations Committee on World Food Security – this article finds that, despite different processes and participants in the creation of these principles, they nonetheless share a language of “empowerment” targeted at women and marginalized groups. However, in contrast to early feminist discourses of empowerment, these principles instead perpetuate the notion that empowerment is to be found through efficiency, productivity and participation in land and labor markets. This article takes a critical look at this language of economic empowerment in each set of principles, and points to the dangers of equating efficiency, productivity and participation with feminist empowerment. By not acknowledging the broader gender dynamics of agricultural governance and markets, these discourses risk deepening existing inequalities rather than moving toward meaningful social change.     

伊盟、伊合与中国中东人文外交

伊斯兰世界联盟与伊斯兰合作组织是泛伊斯兰主义制度化的产物,伊盟主要通过朝觐平台间接对伊斯兰国家政治施与影响,伊合则通过推进议题的方式直接对伊斯兰国家政治产生影响;我国历来重视发展与这些泛伊斯兰国际组织的友好关系,并取得了宝贵历史经验与良好的成效;在明确我国与泛伊斯兰国际组织开展人文交流与合作的资源优势、基本目标及其实现途径的基础上,探索我国对中东国家开展“全方位、多层次、宽领域”人文外交的应对之策,旨在进一步提升我国对中东伊斯兰国家的人文外交能力.     

美国应对中东剧变的“奥巴马主义”探析

美国应对中东剧变的政策措施彰显"奥巴马主义",即军事上谨慎用兵,避免直接地面占领或卷入一场针对伊斯兰国家的新战争,而是通过武装反对派推行"阿拉伯人打阿拉伯人",减少人道主义干预的成本;政治上运用所谓美国的"巧实力",让欧洲大国和阿拉伯盟友提出议程设置,充当"急先锋",美国在背后"掌舵",以最廉价的方式延续美国在中东的领导地位;外交上通过议题设置,让联合国人权委员会等国际组织和非政府组织服务于美国政府;经济上运用援助和制裁两手政策来实现政治目标;文化上利用媒体、非政府组织和网络,开展民间外交和网络外交。奥巴马政府试图综合运用军事、政治、外交、经济和文化手段,推动中东反美国家的政权更迭,维护亲美国家的政局稳定。研究表明,无论是主张依靠硬实力的"布什主义",还是主张依靠巧实力的"奥巴马主义",其在中东维持美国领导地位的战略目标,却是一致的。     

Jewish power and powerlessness: Prague Zionists and the Paris Peace Conference

This article explores how perceptions of Jewish power shaped the negotiations between Czechoslovak leaders and Jewish minority representatives at the time of the Paris Peace Conference. In the aftermath of the First World War, Prague-based Zionists embarked on a mission to convince Czechoslovak elites that attacks on Jews were detrimental to the internal stability of the new state and to Czechoslovak interests abroad. As Edvard Bene?, the head of the Czechoslovak delegation in Paris, worked to cultivate an image of the new state as more “Western” and “civilised” than other successor states – a strategy meant to garner international support for Czechoslovak territorial demands and its projected absorption of large minority populations – Jewish activists encouraged his uncertainty with regard to Jews' influence on Western audiences and statesmen. They did so in order to convince him to accept their demands for special protection clauses for the new country's Jews. The paper thus shows that the unprecedented victimisation of Jews and the upsurge in antisemitism during and after the war coexisted with a new bold and public Jewish activism. Yet, Jewish leaders did not in the end have the ability to convince Bene? and his colleagues to give in to international Jewish demands for special protection. Instead, they sought to cultivate a strategic alliance between the state's Czech elite and the Jewish minority which centred on the claim that Czechoslovakia was a particularly welcoming and tolerant place for Jews, an image that would evolve into a significant component of the myth of Czechoslovakia as an island of democracy in Eastern Europe.     

世界科技创新趋势与启示

现阶段"现代化进程强大的客观需求"和"知识技术体系的内在矛盾"正孕育着新一轮科技革命,世界正处在第六次科技革命的前夜。200多年的工业化进程催生出一系列问题。经济发展的客观需求迫切需要开发新的资源能源,创新发展模式和发展途径,创建新的生产方式和生活方式。"基础科学领域""能源和资源域""信息网络领域""先进材料和制造领域""农业领域""人口健康领域"这六个方面孕育着重大的创新突破。科学问题的重大突破和技术的变革将深刻影响人类的生产和生活方式,影响社会发展的进程,影响国家的国际竞争地位。把握新一轮科技革命的战略机遇,将大幅提升我国自主创新与规模产业化的能力。     

关于“中国道路”争论中的两个问题

近年来,随着中国经济的持续快速发展,关于中国模式、中国道路的问题引起了人们的广泛注意,也存在着巨大的分歧和争论。其实,讨论中国道路,需要有一种世界历史的大视野,需要从中华民族走向现代化的历史大尺度来审视。基于这种大视野和大尺度,有利于对我们所取得的成绩,所走过的曲折道路、所处的历史阶段、所面临的诸多难题及其成因,进行冷静的反思和理性的考察,形成清醒的认识和科学的定位,从而能够合理地科学地谋划中国的未来发展。     

中国传统哲学本体论中的终极视域与终极本体

在中国传统哲学本体论中,终极视域是一个绝对超越的无限世界,对于终极视域的探讨产生了终极本体即"虚极"、"太极"或"太虚"。终极本体不是从逻辑性、知识论,而是从感应性、感通性的维度实现主体对终极本体的发现。由于感应性、感通性往往具有主体所赋予的价值性规定,所以,终极视域的本体论形态最终表现出价值论的特征。从理论意义看,终极视域的本体论提供了解决有限性视域或经验世界的终极根源问题的根据。     

世界·中国·长三角——未来二十年浙江经济社会的发展环境研究

本研究报告从世界经济康德拉季耶夫长周期、中国经济发展跨越“中等收入陷阱”和长三角区域经济发展三个方面的研究视角,研究了浙江经济社会发展在未来20年可能处于的大环境.研究的初步结论表明:未来20年期间,世界经济将处于康氏长周期的衰退一萧条一复苏期;中国经济将跨越“中等收入陷阱”,成为世界第一大经济体;长三角地区的上海都市经济圈有可能发展成为仅次于美国纽约都市经济圈的世界第二大都市经济圈.浙江经济社会的未来发展环境将处在一个不确定性增加且多变的时期,正视危机,抢抓先机,对浙江经济社会发展非常关键.     

中国天主教本土化进程研究的进路与思考

本文从解释"本土化"概念入手,分析国内外学术界对在华基督教本土化的研究现状,提出中国天主教本土化进程分为五个阶段。考察中国天主教本土化进程,对理解明末以来天主教在华的历史状况,以及进一步探讨天主教在中国社会的发展走向都有重要的学术意义。     

中国加入世贸组织关税谈判的政治经济分析

众多研究者视中国加入世界贸易组织为一个经济重组与改革的策略,借牺牲＂旧的＂经济达到市场化的目的,因此进入世界贸易组织的谈判实质上反映这一改革议程。这一看法与实情不尽吻合。入世关税减让的考虑其实是一个比较复杂的程序,涉及政府仔细地平衡各个社会和政治力量及因素。