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41.
The pre‐democracy negotiations between the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party (NP) established nine provincial forms of government to replace the four provinces of the apartheid era. The nine provinces contrasted with the historical goal of the ANC to create a ‘democratic, non‐racial and unitary South Africa’. The NP wanted nine new provinces to prevent centralized state power under an ANC government and saw possibilities for winning electoral power in the Western Cape. The ANC conceded following political pressure from the Inkatha Freedom Party, which threatened civil war, and a policy shift after examining the German federal governance system. The article analyzes the history, politics, process and outcomes of the establishment of the nine provinces for social policy delivery in South Africa. It explores the contention that the nine provinces re‐fragmented service delivery (although not on a statutory racial basis) and created a system of fiscal decentralization with serious implications for social policy: weakening bureaucratic capacity, institutional capability and political accountability. The provincial governance mechanisms and fiscal institutions created a particular ‘path dependency’ which, 18 years after democratic, rule still impacts negatively on service delivery and more equitable policy outcomes. This is in part due to the undermining of provincial governance mechanisms and fiscal institutions by a significant minority of corrupt and incompetent provincial civil servants. The corruption of these provincial governance mechanisms and fiscal institutions erodes the egalitarian values aimed at creating a non‐racial, non‐sexist, democratic and unitary South Africa which historically underpinned the policy agenda of the ANC. It also has weakened social citizenship on a geographical and ultimately racial basis given the continuing co‐incidence of race and place in a democratic South Africa.  相似文献   
42.
制度建设是反腐倡廉的最好方式,深入推进党风廉政建设和反腐败斗争,必须重点抓好反腐倡廉制度建设。努力建设完善而科学的反腐倡廉制度体系,不断提高制度执行力,努力实现反腐倡廉的制度化,才能有力推动在社会主义市场经济条件下反腐倡廉建设的进程,增强党拒腐防变的能力。  相似文献   
43.
纵观人类社会的发展历程,其反腐倡廉的过程,都是以法治腐的过程。这对我们实现跨世纪的“以法治腐”战略目标,无疑具有强烈的警世作用和启迪价值  相似文献   
44.
我国的腐败治理体系是在国家治理体系框架下,从治理的具体对象角度衍生出的一个次级系统概念,是我国国家治理体系的重要组成部分,它既受到国家治理体系现代化进程的推动,也影响着国家治理体系现代化的成效。因此,腐败治理体系要素的内涵结构必然在国家治理体系现代化的过程中,从治理机制、治理主体、治理理念、治理手段以及治理的运行方式上实现进一步的转变与发展,才能有效实现腐败治理的功能和目的。同时,我国根本的社会主义制度、公民主体意识的发展、纪检监察机关反腐效能的提升以及反腐败的国际交流与合作,也在为我国腐败治理体系的完善与发展提供着强大的动力基础。  相似文献   
45.
十月革命胜利后 ,为了提高执政水平 ,巩固执政地位 ,列宁提出了一系列关于党风建设的思想 :共产党要保持与人民群众的血肉联系 ,克服官僚主义 ,反对贪污腐败。列宁关于党风建设的理论与实践对于我们今天的党风建设具有一定的指导意义  相似文献   
46.
分析中国确立商业贿赂民事损害赔偿制度的意义,探讨《联合国反腐败公约》民事损害赔偿条款在中国实施时所需解决的法律问题,讨论行贿者、受贿者和受害者的界定标准,并提出行贿者与受贿者应承担连带责任、建立惩罚性赔偿金制度、合理配置诉权等建议。  相似文献   
47.
Recent scandals involving executive leadership have vaulted the topic of executive corruption to a central concern in the organizational literature. History suggests that power can corrupt and that absolute power can be an especially toxic influence. In this paper we propose that the propensity for corruption (as measured by CEO responsibility disposition) of leaders and the degree to which leadership is shared are key factors in understanding the potential for executive corruption. More specifically, shared leadership is proposed as a moderator that can deter corruptive tendencies by providing checks and balances capable of reducing the potential for corrupt behavior. A conceptual model is offered along with propositions to help guide future research and practice.  相似文献   
48.
《孽海花》历来被公认为是晚清四大谴责小说中最有价值的一部。小说在表现中国近代社会“文化的推移”、“政治的变动”中,都不同程度地隐含了对于晚清政府腐败无能的不满与揭露。试图从封建专制制度的腐朽、官员的昏庸无能、上流士绅的风尚三方面来分析晚清政府腐败无能的内在原因。  相似文献   
49.
曹化 《学术探索》2013,(1):104-108
如何借鉴《联合国反腐败公约》的理念和措施,创新与完善我国反腐败的法律体系和相关机制,是我国法学界在相当长的一段时间内所面临的重大课题。我国历来重视腐败犯罪,在打击腐败犯罪方面积累了许多有效经验。但是和《联合国反腐败公约》相比,我国依然需要修改腐败犯罪刑事法律,进一步跟进和加强国际合作。  相似文献   
50.
In the social sciences, the idea of an informal sector has been criticized more for the classification of economic activities in two separate sectors than for the labeling of them as “formal” or “informal”. In the Congo (formerly Zaire), the use of such labels is ambiguous. Labeling has to be understood in the context of corruption, i.e., in a transaction involving the personal networks and social identities of the parties to it. An analysis is made of how such transactions with civil servants shape the local market in the case of the import trade in Katanga. Compared with the formal/informal cleavage, this approach enables us both to see the labeling of economic activities as a social and political process and to draw attention to the plurality of such practices in relations with authorities.  相似文献   
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