论辛亥革命时期的"革命崇拜"

辛亥革命时期,“革命”一词恐怕是中国青年最为流行的话语。作为一种改造中国社会的手段,革命尤其受到激进知识分子的顶礼膜拜。这种“革命崇拜”排斥一切渐进的改良立宪活动,幻想中国一举而成为美国式的民主共和国,但实际上对中国社会的民主进程害大利小。民国初年的强人暴政使得革命倡导者孙中山也从崇拜革命转回到清末渐进改良的旧道。     

信息化进程中的生活观转型问题

通过阐述现代信息技术所引发的生活空间变化,对生活观念转变的客观要求,论证了在信息化进程和生活观转型过程中,必须有相应的物质支持以及完善的制度法规保障,这样,才能平稳,有效的完成转型,才能使生活观转型具有必要的社会依托。     

20世纪伊朗两次革命之比较

伊朗在20世纪发生了两次具有重大历史影响的革命:1905年宪政革命和1979年伊斯兰革命。本文从革命的领导者、同盟军、中坚力量、指导思想以及革命时期的国家制度、军队情况等六个方面,对这两场革命进行了比较分析,分别阐述了二者之间的异同之处。通过对两场革命诸要素的比较,可以看出后者呈现出许多新的内容,这体现了两次革命之间七十多年伊朗社会发展进程带来的社会结构的变化。     

现代科技革命对振兴东北老工业基地的促进作用

中央提出老工业基地改造与振兴的思路,使东北老工业基地有可能成为我国经济发展的第四极。现代科技革命对生产力的发展起到越来越大的作用,东北老工业基地必须及时把握机会,运用现代科技革命所带来的科技成果,努力走出一条符合东北地区经济发展的新路。     

网络语言:语言史上的一场革命

网络语言是一种新兴的语言模式,是目前受人关注的一个热门话题.通过考查网络语言的含义、产生的背景以及显著的特征,提出网络语言是语言史上的一场革命,并进而从理论的角度、语言史的角度和现实的角度加以论证.网络语言是符合语言发展规律的,它的出现和发展是社会发展的必然结果,必将对日常语言产生革命性的影响.     

智能时代的生命政治：逻辑奇点与术语革命

智能与资本的“共谋”预示着资本主义生命政治之逻辑奇点的降临。一方面，这一“共谋”将劳动力商品化的历史逻辑推向了身体商品化的极致。在智能时代，被资产阶级政治革命解放的身体最终走向透明化，身体被数字编码吞噬，陷入“失物拜物教”的迷思。另一方面，智能技术变革了资本积累和雇佣关系的旧有模式，使生命政治生产变成非物质性和消费性的符号生产，濒临价值虚无主义的边缘。这就意味着，重要的不是去炮制资本主义生命政治的神话学，而是去寻找实现生命政治术语革命的逻辑豁口和现实道路。在文明逻辑的意义上，资本主义生命政治的文明因素为身体建构了多方面的需要以及全面的能力体系，预示着“类生命”的复活，形成了对资本主义生产关系的“倒逼”态势。在现实道路的意义上，新时代中国国家治理现代化以人民为中心，真正担负起扶植和照料生命的政治责任，能够有效推进“类生命”的历史建构，从而全面彰显生命政治所具有的制度文明意蕴。     

Trotsky’s error: multiplicity and the secret origins of revolutionary Marxism

ABSTRACT

Uneven and Combined Development uniquely incorporated societal multiplicity into Marxist theory. So why did its first application end in Stalinist dictatorship? This paper seeks an answer by turning the idea back on itself, applying it first to Trotsky’s doctrine of ‘permanent revolution’ and then to Marx’s original idea of revolution. Trotsky hoped that Russia’s ‘revolution of backwardness’ would be rescued by ‘advanced’ revolutions in the West, modelled on the French revolution. But what if – as this paper argues – that event too was ultimately a ‘revolution of backwardness’? Two implications follow. First, Trotsky’s ‘permanentist’ strategy was logically flawed: if all modern revolutions have been internationally-generated catch-up revolutions, then the idea of Bolshevism being rescued by ‘advanced revolutions’ elsewhere fails. But second, the consequences of multiplicity reach even deeper than Trotsky realized: they underlie and explain the original political formation, and troubled history, of revolutionary Marxism itself.     

Decentralist vanguards: women’s autonomous power and left convergence in Rojava

ABSTRACT

Since 2012, the Rojava Revolution in Northern Syria has attracted the attention of the global Left. Although this project has been subjected to many analyses from different political perspectives, there has not been a systematic analysis of the way it brings together anarchism and Marxism. By focusing on the question of how a revolutionary movement should be organized, we arrive at the argument that Rojava features a specific hybrid of anarchist and Marxist-Leninist revolutionary methods in the form of ‘decentralist vanguardism’. The most advanced form of this hybrid method in Rojava is represented by women. By virtue of being theorized as a revolutionary agent, having autonomous organizations, and carrying a leading role in educating the general public, women in Rojava become what we call ‘a revolutionary middle stratum’: a distinct revolutionary group with autonomous power that can push forward the revolutionary process while dispersing the authority of the vanguard movement.     

The kick off*

ABSTRACT

Samir Amin's call for the establishing of a fifth international is timely, urgent and necessary. This essay explores some key questions that should be debated by those seeking to create the new international: including the appropriate organizational form; membership; and decision making procedures.     

The Syrian corpse: the politics of dignity in visual and media representations of the Syrian revolution*

This essay explores the material, phenomenological and political meaning of the Syrian corpse and the question of its dignity as represented in a series of media and visual outputs from 2011 to the present. The essay begins by arguing that the violence in Syria now targets the dead as much as the living. As such, the essay highlights the forms of ‘necroviolence’ that the Syrian corpse has been subjected to: mistreatment, erasure of markers of identity, denial of burial, mutilation and ultimately an attempt to erase it from memory. The essay concludes by arguing that the Syrian corpse is not merely the passive subject or victim of ‘necroviolence’ but can also become the paradoxical agent of what we might call ‘postmortem resistance’.