Midwives’ views of traditional birth attendants within formal healthcare in Nigeria

BackgroundDiscourses around the journey to motherhood in many poorly-resourced countries, particularly in the sub-Saharan African region, with no link to death and danger are limited. The custodians of traditional practices – the traditional birth attendants – are often blamed for the high maternal deaths in this region. Conventional institutional and international thinking about traditional birth attendants is that they are dangerous and therefore should no longer be allowed to practice.AimTo explore midwives’ views of traditional birth attendants’ place within formal healthcare settings in Nigeria.MethodsHermeneutic phenomenological and poststructural feminist approaches were used. Seven midwives volunteered for semi-structured individual face to face interviews.FindingsThe responses of the midwives were diverse and conflicting. Some midwives believe that the traditional birth attendants should be banned, arguing that they are responsible for low uptake of hospital-based maternity care by women which in turn leads to an increase in maternal deaths. Contrastingly, other midwives expressed a view that the traditional birth attendants ‘cannot be phased out’ due to their valid contributions, particularly in the rural areas where access to formal maternity care is limited by intractable structural problems.ConclusionPolicy makers need to reconsider the role of traditional birth attendants. This should involve not only their integration into formal healthcare to work alongside formally trained maternity care providers, but also fostering a healthcare atmosphere where respect and recognition of each practitioner’s skill is paramount.     

从明仁到德仁:天皇缘何强调其象征性

日本明仁天皇、德仁天皇即位时都宣誓,遵守《日本国宪法》,尽到日本国及日本国民象征的责任。从历史、制度、天皇退位这三个维度,分析日本明仁上皇和德仁天皇为何不断强调其象征性,有助于更深刻认识从平成时代到令和时代过渡期的日本政治。从日本宪政史看,明治帝国宪法下的天皇制是一种军国主义战争模式,而在二战后《日本国宪法》下的天皇制则是一种象征和平的模式。安倍晋三首相力图在任内修改日本宪法,不仅涉及宪法第九条问题,也涉及天皇制问题,其前景值得关注。     

A review of the role of Malawi’s law reform agency in criminalization and decriminalization of female same-sex sexual conduct

Abstract

The Law Commission is an institution created by Malawi’s 1995 Constitution with the mandate to review and recommend laws to be in conformity with the Constitution and international law. In 2000, the Commission recommended, for the first time in the history of Malawi, the criminalization of female same-sex sexual conduct. This was enacted into law in 2011. This article examines the role of the Commission in influencing the development of sex- and gender-related laws to address gender inequality and discrimination. It describes the historical context of legal developments since colonial times, leading to the adoption of a democratic constitution and commitment to incorporating human rights norms and standards in national laws. It argues that, in contradiction to its mandate, the Commission played an influential role in the development of a law that further marginalizes women and entrenches sex discrimination. It concludes that the Commission should therefore take responsibility for its actions and review the offending law sua sponte.     

提高依法执政能力实质是提高依宪执政能力

依法执政首先要依宪执政,提高党依法执政能力实质是提高依宪执政能力,这是由宪法的内容、性质、地位和作用决定的。加强党的依法执政能力建设,实质是促进党领导下的以宪法为核心,以人权保障为起点,以法治、有限政府、独立司法为理念的立法、行政、司法机关执政能力的全面提高。     

"五五宪草"之立法技术分析

从"五五宪草"的制定过程及结构、内容和外部形式看,其立法技术,包括体制技术、程序技术与表达技术,均达到了相当的高度;其立法理念与立法技术之间,充分体现了"理性"与"经验"、积极功能与消极功能、法律发展现代化与本土化相结合。"五五宪章"不仅为当代立法提供了参考与借鉴的经验,而且为中国的宪政建设提供了有益的资源。     

网络反腐过程中网络举报的规范化研究

网络反腐信息的披露和曝光有正式和非正式两种。在法律和制度层面,将网络披露和曝光反腐信息的行为视为举报之一种,肯定其法律地位和法律效力,赋予其规范意义和制度功能,既符合举报制度的法律解读和政治意涵,也是应对腐败案件特性和国际反腐运动发展趋势的必然要求。应该针对非正式网络举报特点,建立舆情收集分析和线索核查机制;确立合理评价和鼓励原则,理性规制和引导网络举报相关行为;制定《举报法》,完善网络举报法律制度,规范保护网络举报。     

论当代中国公民的迁徙自由权

迁徙自由权是人的一项基本权利,是宪法学和法社会学研究的重要内容。迁徙自由权的法律确认,在我国经历了曲折的发展过程。迄今为止,我国尚未真正实现迁徙自由权。随着社会的发展和公民法律意识的提高,迁徙自由权越来越受到学术界和普通民众的关注。在建设有中国特色的社会主义民主宪政制度的进程中,以宪法形式确认公民迁徙自由权,公民的迁徙自由权就会得到实现。     

“五五宪草”的历史回顾与宪政反思

“五五宪草”是20世纪30年代的中国在文化保守主义和自由主义的较量、内忧外患的历史背景下制定的。“五五宪草”虽然没有走出工具性完法的历史窠臼,但对当今中国的完政建设有一定的启示：从内容和制定过程来看,制订者努力寻求本土资源与西方宪政文化的融合,充分体现出中西法律文化的冲突和平衡;制定过程中,执政当局对于社会舆论给予了较大的自由空间,使政府与民间在制究过程中形成比较良好的沟通与互动;完草制定者在充分考虑国家的政治生态的前提下,对宪法的实行给予极大重视。     

法治概念的多样性与一致性——兼及中国法治研究方法的反思

当下中国的法治理论普遍强调法治的价值内涵,而政治哲学的差异和道德主张的不同导致了对法治的多样性理解。在影响较大的几种西方法治学说之间,有着较为明显的一致性理论倾向,即仅仅强调法治的形式内涵、工具内涵、程序内涵,而并不触及法治的外部价值诉求或政治理想。法治是一个实践的概念,道德上的理想与政治上的抱负是法律应担当的使命,而法治所关心的乃是法律统治地位的确立与法律的有效实现。将法治狭义地界定为形式意义上的一种社会政治实践方式,一方面使得这一概念作为分析工具获得了使用上的便利,另一方面十分有助于从这一"简单化"的概念出发开放出与法治有关的种种理论问题,有助于区分和探求法治的实践路径或实践模式,有助于关注到法治的工具合理性及其有限性,有助于总结和发掘不同历史时期、不同社会条件下人们对法治所寄予的价值期待的普遍性与特殊性,特别是确立当下中国法治实践的应有的价值目标。     

辛亥革命真是20世纪中国多灾多难的开端吗?——与萧功秦教授商榷

评价历史事件或历史人物最基本的两条原则:一是要尊重客观历史事实,二是要正视当时特定的时代背景和历史条件。对辛亥革命的评价亦不例外。可以说,鸦片战争与《南京条约》是近代中国多灾多难的开端,若以20世纪为视点,《辛丑条约》则是中国多灾多难的一个表征焦点,认为辛亥革命是中国多灾多难的观点是有违社会客观史实的。偶然性中寓含着必然性,辛亥革命的成功绝非想象中的"轻而易举",更非人类历史所罕见。基于立法者认知水平和当时社会条件所限,民国初年制定颁布的《中华民国临时约法》尚不成熟,甚至还存有较大疏漏,但界定其为"恶法"并将后革命时代的大分裂归咎于此"法",显然也是与历史事实相违背的。纵观20世纪的中国历史,多灾多难肇始于八国联军侵华和《辛丑条约》的签订,绝非以辛亥革命为开端。