全文获取类型
收费全文 | 330篇 |
免费 | 8篇 |
国内免费 | 1篇 |
专业分类
管理学 | 17篇 |
民族学 | 20篇 |
人口学 | 7篇 |
丛书文集 | 17篇 |
理论方法论 | 27篇 |
综合类 | 155篇 |
社会学 | 96篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 4篇 |
2019年 | 16篇 |
2018年 | 4篇 |
2017年 | 8篇 |
2016年 | 10篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 18篇 |
2013年 | 30篇 |
2012年 | 16篇 |
2011年 | 21篇 |
2010年 | 26篇 |
2009年 | 28篇 |
2008年 | 16篇 |
2007年 | 26篇 |
2006年 | 12篇 |
2005年 | 12篇 |
2004年 | 19篇 |
2003年 | 15篇 |
2002年 | 10篇 |
2001年 | 17篇 |
2000年 | 6篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有339条查询结果,搜索用时 109 毫秒
51.
Christine Fauré 《International Review of Sociology》2010,20(2):291-300
The forms of protest that women occasionally adopted express a social and political assertion. Generally, they borrowed forms in circulation: civil procedures for the grievances under the ancient regime, declarations of human rights during the French revolution. After the Revolution, the adoption by women of the right of petition to the constituted powers is a massive phenomenon remaining practically unknown and little studied. The petitions of women are ancient demonstrations which are not only related to modern history; they are comparable with the ‘voices’ described by Hirschman and Boltanski. By marking out the political history of the modern period, they have an explanatory significance for political events and also contribute to the formation of public opinion. 相似文献
52.
祝维娜 《重庆工商大学学报(社会科学版)》2005,22(2):80-83
二十世纪以来,数目繁多的格式合同已成为契约方面的普遍现象,时至今日,格式合同早已充斥着社会生活的方方面面.格式合同虽具有传统合同不可比拟的优势,但是格式合同的广泛使用也带来了一系列问题.如何对格式合同进行有效的立法规制,早已引起法学界的普遍关注. 相似文献
53.
黎英亮 《苏州科技学院学报(社会科学版)》2012,29(1):61-66
《何谓民族》是法兰西学院院士厄内斯特·勒南一次著名演讲的讲稿。这篇讲稿是在法德两国就"民族"定义展开论战的历史背景下问世的,它强调界定民族的标准只能是民众的政治意愿而非种族血统或语言文化。因此,这篇讲稿被后来的民族主义研究者视为政治民族主义的理论典范。不过,《何谓民族》与勒南其他著作的论调并不一致,勒南在《何谓民族》中的言论可能是言不由衷。 相似文献
54.
Pascale Turquet 《International social security review》2012,65(1):29-51
For a number of years, the Dutch, German and French health insurance systems have been attempting to contain costs and diversify their sources of finance, which traditionally have come mainly from social contributions. Diversification may involve broader‐based public finance, as well as greater recourse to private resources and operators. In the case of the Netherlands and Germany, the reforms go hand in hand with efforts to introduce competition between health insurance bodies. In France, private complementary insurance has become indispensable for adequate access to health care. However, these measures have repercussions for redistribution, which social assistance programmes have difficulty in addressing. 相似文献
55.
Luis Bouza García 《Social movement studies》2013,12(5):557-575
This article discusses why national civil society organisations (CSOs) use or abstain to use the participatory opportunities that the EU has developed in the last years. This is done by analysing the role of French and Spanish civil society groups in the debates on participatory democracy during the drafting and the referendum debates of the European Constitution (2002–2005). The paper departs from existing assessments of the role of national civil society in the Convention and demonstrates that national organisations built on their expertise on certain EU policies, on access to EU-level political actors and on contacts and alliances with other CSOs. It also differs from previous studies in finding that participation does not entail sharing the interpretive frame promoted by the EU. The finding that access opportunities do not fundamentally influence the frames of the organisations is related to their ability to strategically choose to participate in European and national venues. The paper finds that because of their scepticism on the constitution's participatory framing, French organisations preferred a stronger role at the national level, whereas Spanish organisations did not have real incentives to develop a campaign at the national level. While it is expected that dialogue with CSOs can contribute to bridging the gap between the EU and its citizens, this paper finds that the institutional setting provided incentives for national organisations to get involved only in one of the levels rather than to link them. 相似文献
56.
《Journal of Housing for the Elderly》2013,27(4):103-121
Abstract Many authors have observed die elders' unanimous aspirations to age in place. Such residential aspirations echo theoretical concepts such as “environmental-fit.” Aging residents adapt to their residential environment according to their autonomy level, their financial and social resources, as well as the meanings they invest in both residential situations and lifestyle (Lord, 2004; Wagnild, 2001). Therefore, the suburbs constitute a challenge for aging residents' intentions to remain in their home for as long as possible. These low-density environments encourage car dependency for almost every daily activity. In that regard, many studies have investigated the daily mobility patterns of elders living in such areas. However, most of them have focused on aspects linked to transportation and driving security (Rosenbloom, 2003). In this context, with a socio-anthropological (in-depth interviews) method, the elders' daily mobility is explored in a complex layering of issues. Two interdisciplinary qualitative researches on the daily and residential mobility of elderly suburbanites have been used: a group living in Quebec City's Post-War suburbs in Canada (n = 56) and another in Marseille's periurban suburbs in France (n = 36). The results show that we must investigate beyond the elders' “emotional attachment”to their “home” in order to explain the everyday tensions underlying accessibility and daily mobility. Aging in a single-family house is more than a deliberate choice. Moving away from one's neighborhood is considered a last resort alternative by the majority. Instead, the elderly from both milieus will adapt their lifestyles to the environment by redesigning their daily activities and their mobility practices in order to age in place. Therefore, adapting daily mobility practices to social interactions and social representations all become a sine qua nonecondition. 相似文献
57.
M.C. Boomgaard 《National Identities》2013,15(3):281-293
The Breton movement in France grew increasingly militant in the late twentieth century, in part due to the French government. After its official and unofficial repression of Bretons ended in the mid-twentieth century, France never developed a consistent policy to deal with Breton culture. At the same time, the Bretons themselves changed their political outlook. The rise of militant Bretonité resulted from a new belief among the activists that their survival depended on government intervention. This change led to a shift in Breton politics from the right to the left, and an overall change in the movement itself. 相似文献
58.
Catherine Benoît 《Mobilities》2020,15(2):220-240
ABSTRACTThis article argues that the French overseas territories of the Caribbean and Indian Ocean, which are also European ‘outermost regions,’ make up the first borders of ‘Fortress Europe,’ geographically, historically and legislatively. Since the 1980s, a set of laws, described as ‘laws of exception,’ place the majority of the foreign residents in a state of ‘illegality.’ These overseas territories are in the vanguard of a French ‘regime of deportation’ that targets foreign nationals, indigenous populations and former colonial subjects. They are places of experimentation for legal exceptions, which are then implemented in metropolitan France. This paper will analyze how the reinforcement of borders contradicts the popular and scholarly representation of the Caribbean and the Indian Ocean as sites of mobility. 相似文献
59.
Questions about the modernization of farming, given its environmental impact, are leading French farmers to rework their occupational identities. This is studied by comparing cereal growers who practice “integrated protection” — a form of agriculture that saves on input — with their “conventional” colleagues. Given the high degree of uncertainty about the standards that will be imposed, cereal farmers have adopted positions that contrast with regard to: the future (anticipating vs. stalling for time), “professional excellence” (whether or not to accept lower yields) and risks (whether to adopt strategies turned toward vigilance or toward insurance). The diffusion of innovative farming practices is limited owing to their lack of legitimacy, which leads farmers to explore the possibilities for obtaining legitimation from outside the profession. 相似文献
60.
吴友法 《武汉大学学报(人文科学版)》2009,(4):406-410
在欧洲历史上,欧洲联合的思想由来已久,但在第二次世界大战前欧洲却没有走上联合之路,这是因为德法两国没有实现和解。二战后,美国为了复兴西欧,为了解决"德国问题",才有了"舒曼计划",德法才逐渐实现了和解,才有了早期欧洲一体化。 相似文献