Hesitant Madams in a Global City: Japanese Expat Wives and their Global Householding in Hong Kong

Care work, once a sanctioned labor of love, is increasingly commodified in transnational contexts. The picture of migrant women shouldering the housework and child care of local professonal women may seem like a mutually beneficial arrangement—matching the “needs” of the haves and have-nots—, but the global care chain ultimately works to maintain the traditional gendered division of labor as well as global inequality. To this trend of globalization of care work, Japan has been an exception; however, how much longer it will be so is now in a question, as the government paves the way for importing domestic labor from abroad. This article focuses on Japanese expat wives in Hong Kong in order to locate Japanese women vis-à-vis the global care chain. The narrative analysis on how they decide whether to hire a domestic worker in their home away from home highlights the sociopolitical nature of their supposedly private choices. Some drew on cultural ideal of wifehood and motherhood to rationalize their choice while others referred to racialized or even overtly racist and classist images of foreign domestic workers. A few women spoke against the system itself, showing awareness of its inherent social injustice. All such narratives are never purely personal; their decisions and the rationalization behind them sustain the prevailing discourses of gender, race, ethnicity, culture, and class, which, in turn, envelop their attempts at global householding.     

传教士与近代香港的中西文化交流

近代以来，中国南部边陲两个历史上默默无闻的岛屿——香港和澳门，先后成为中西文化交流的基地和枢纽，传教士则起了穿针引线、铺路搭桥的作用。由于宗主国、传教宗派和地理环境等因素的制约，１８４０年后香港逐渐后来居上，该地传教士在著译出版和办教育等方面均有更大作为，成为内地教会的榜样和坚实后盾     

香港与内地:大众文化透视

香港与内地的大众文化都是现代文明的产物，都是市场经济条件下人性解放的历史必然性与进步性的表现，但都同时存在不可忽视的享乐主义倾向。然而只要充分发挥精英文化与通俗文化、香港大众文化与内地大众文化的优势互补，随着香港回归带来的双方交流的更加密切，香港与内地的大众文化一定会沿着健康的道路发展，共造中国大众文化的辉煌     

战后国民政府涉港事务处置个案研究——以张添祥事件为例

太平洋战争期间,国民政府争取香港主权的努力遭遇挫折,战后英国重返香港,中国在涉港事务中试图积极应对,争取国家利权。1946年12月3日,中国内地与香港边境的文锦渡发生一起英军越界开枪事件,造成宝安县居民张添祥死亡,即＂张添祥事件＂。事件发生后,广东地方当局和民意机构主张强硬外交,积极组织援助;国民政府外交当局亦介入善后,在民意舆论的压力下展开外交维权。最终,张添祥事件不了了之。     

A comparative study of social assistance systems in Macao and Hong Kong

This article compares social assistance systems in Macao and Hong Kong. It finds that Macao delivers a higher level of social assistance benefits, whereas Hong Kong has a larger group of social assistance beneficiaries. The Hong Kong Government spends a larger amount on social assistance provision and imposes tougher controls on the recipients, compared to Macao. The results of the comparison indicate that Macao and Hong Kong differ markedly in the type of productivist welfare regime they belong and challenge the assertion that the two welfare systems form a distinct welfare model.     

殷商至周初的照与[戈丮]臣

方[戈丮]乳各鼎属西周早期后段器,系器主为妻作器。铭文中“方”是地名,“[戈丮]”是爵或职名,“各”是人名。“[戈丮]”作为爵或职名,在晚商青铜器铭文屡见,而藏于哈佛大学福格艺术博物馆的商代晚期玉戈刻铭等均表明讯的地位很高。殷墟出土的跽坐执戈者以及西周较晚的铭文,也反映出称[戈丮]者可能是执戈拱卫之臣。     

战后20年文学论纲

以"战时8年文学"和"战后20年文学"的思路替代以往的"40年代文学"和"17年文学"的思路,能立足于完整意义上的中国文学,打通原先被分割成"现代文学"和"当代文学"的"两种时期"文学间的内在联系。在战后东亚现代性曲折展开的背景下,1945年至60年代后期的中国文学,构成了一个新的时期。这一时期的中国大陆、台湾、香港的文学各有其流变脉络,战后香港文学在意识形态对峙中开始其文化个性和文学品格的寻求,战后台湾文学突破国民党政治高压,在文学思潮引发的文学传承和转换、创作多元典律的构建等方面呈现出影响中国文学整体格局的重要走脉,战后中国内地文学则开始了原旨意义的延安文学理想和激进实践的延安文学理想间的复杂纠结。这些流变恰恰呈现出战后中国文学的共同性,并从整体上构成了一个进入"民族新文学的自觉自立"前的过渡时期,其蕴含的丰富课题及其实践,初步形成了中国文学分合有致的多元格局;所提供的文学范式,则包含着民族新文学面临政治困境、经济转型、社会变革作出各种应对的历史经验。这种视野中的40年代至60年代的中国文学史,其丰富性和历史传承性,提供了20世纪中国文学历史整合的重要基石。     

论丁玲与萧红小说的不同思想风貌

丁玲与萧红的小说呈现出不同的思想风貌:一,丁玲的个性意识与革命意识相互交错、此消彼长;萧红由一位激进的左翼作家转变为自由撰稿人。二,丁玲顺应主流意识需要刻意展示农村革命进程与农民心理变迁,萧红关注东北农民的生存境遇,显示出革命意识与民族意识觉醒。三,丁玲依据政治理念,从社会分析角度对生活作出评价;萧红从生命体验出发描摹农民生存状态。     

也评洪秀全

洪秀全是伟大的农民革命英雄。他的一生是充满矛盾的一生,他既是反封建的旗手,又是皇权主义的继承人;既是反侵略的英雄,又是宗教迷信的鼓吹者与受害者。他创造了英雄的业绩,也留下了历史的遗憾。     

Rethinking mediated political engagement: social media ambivalence and disconnective practices of politically active youths in Hong Kong

Social media have been widely credited for facilitating young people’s political engagement, most notably by providing a conducive platform for political expression. There has been comparatively little attention, however, to the possible pitfalls for young people when they engage in politics on social media. In this study, we seek to redress the overemphasis on the strengths and connectivity of social media by attending to how young people negotiate their drawbacks and disconnectivity. Through in-depth interviews with young participants of Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement, we examine the choices and motives regarding mediated (non-)participation among a group of politically active youths. Our findings revealed that these young people’s social media ambivalence emerged from the major participatory experience. Despite their active and open informational sharing and political expression on social media alongside their in-person participation during the eventful protest, many young participants became wary of such expressive use owing to their perceptions of de-energization, disconnectedness, and disembodiment. Instead of completely withdrawing from political activities on social media, these politically inclined and technologically savvy youths embraced “disconnective practices” – passive engagement (lurking), selective expression (moderation and exposure-limitation), and offline participation (embodied collective action) – to avoid the overwhelming, fractious, and inauthentic conditions of mediated participation.