论20世纪中叶美国人力资本理论兴起的历史条件

人力资本理论于20世纪中叶在美国经济学界兴起有着特定的历史条件。美国政府在人力资源的开发和利用方面的努力,“二战”后美国政府对外经济援助计划的实践与反思,经济生活中出现很多难以解释的现象,以计算机的应用为核心之一的第三次科技革命．都为20世纪中叶人力资本理论在美国的兴起创造了历史条件。     

The origins and nature of American nationalism

This article critically analyzes the origins and nature of American nationalism. The first part examines the historiographical debate on the question in what period the formation of an American national identity occurred, i.e. before or after the American Revolution. The second part is concerned with the nature of American nationalism, casting doubt on the claim that American nationalism is exceptional, i.e. inherently different and morally superior to other nationalisms. It refutes the exceptionalist claim by applying recent findings in European nationalism research to the American case and by reinterpreting American nationalism not as an introspective phenomenon but as a demarcation process.     

赶超思想与"大跃进"的发动

在可以预见的时间里赶上并超过发达资本主义国家,一直是中国共产党执政之后的重要目标.确立这样的目标本身无可厚非,问题在于用多长的时期和用什么样的方式实现赶超.1958年开展的"大跃进"运动,就是一场企图在短时间内实现赶超目标的大实验,结果欲速则不达,留下了深刻的教训.     

论新民主主义革命时期中国共产党的民族政策在东北朝鲜族地区的实践

新民主主义革命时期 ,中国共产党一直承认朝鲜族作为我国少数民族一员的平等和合法地位 ,并以朝鲜族的特殊历史为依据 ,制定了在朝鲜族地区贯彻党的民族政策的一系列具体的方针、原则。其主要内容为 :保障朝鲜族人民的平等权利 ;承认朝鲜族自治权 ,实行民族区域自治 ;解决朝鲜族人民的土地问题 ;积极争取和团结朝鲜族人民 ,共同进行抗日救亡运动 ;建立朝鲜族人民武装 ,共同进行抗日武装斗争 ;大力培养朝鲜族干部 ;发展朝鲜族文化教育和语言文字等     

Europe’s Role in China’s Transition to Superpower Status

What can Western powers do today to ease an eventual global power shift resulting from the rise of superpowers such as China? This paper suggests that part of the answer lies in the same power-binding institutions that allowed the US to rise post WWII without threatening its allies. Continuity in the rules of the global system during a great power transition would promote stability by reducing uncertainty, as well as the extent to which material power can be used coercively. I argue that current superpowers, the EU among them, have an interest in ensuring an equitable distribution of the gains from cooperation. While distributional issues are usually treated in normative terms, they take on very real, material meaning in the context of a great power transition. With this in mind, I look at three aspects of the current global institutional framework that would benefit from reform: international trade and aid, institutional design, and institutional proliferation. In all three cases, a more equal distribution of the gains from institutions today increases the odds that those institutional arrangements will remain in the future.     

Three notes on a political economy of youth

The paper seeks to makes a contribution to a recent debate in the Journal about what a political economy of youth might look like. The paper will take up aspects of Sukarieh and Tannock’s [2016. ‘On the political economy of youth: a comment.’ Journal of Youth Studies 19 (9): 1281–1289] response to the initial contributions by Côté [2014. ‘Towards a New Political Economy of Youth.’ Journal of Youth Studies 17 (4): 527–543, 2016. ‘A New Political Economy of Youth Reprised: Rejoinder to France and Threadgold.’ Journal of Youth Studies.] And France and Threadgold [2015. ‘Youth and Political Economy: Towards a Bourdieusian Approach.’ Journal of Youth Studies], and will take the form of three ‘notes’: Capitalism: From the first industrial revolution to the third industrial revolution; Youth as an artefact of governmentalised expertise; The agency/structure problem in youth studies: Foucault’s dispositif and post-human exceptionalism.

These notes will suggest that twenty-first century capitalism is globalising, is largely neo-Liberal, and is being reconfigured in profound ways by the Anthropocene, bio-genetics, Artificial Intelligence (AI), and the Internet of Things (IoT). A political economy of twenty-first century capitalism, let alone a political economy of young people, must be able to account for a capitalism that in many ways looks like the capitalism of the First and Second Industrial Revolutions, but which is at the same time profoundly different as it enters what has often been described as the Third Industrial Revolution. It is these profound emergences that pose the greatest challenges for engaging with a political economy of youth.     

What Helped Nonprofits Weather the Great Recession?

This study examined the effectiveness of several financial strategies for nonprofit organizations in fighting the Great Recession. Using data from human services and community improvement organizations in the state of New Jersey, we tested hypotheses about the relationships between three measures of financial sustainability and various fundraising efforts and financial indicators. We found that (1) except for strong external funding relationships, funding efforts were generally not effective in enhancing financial sustainability during the crisis; (2) higher operating margin and equity ratio improved an organization's ability to generate revenue and maintain expense levels, but higher debt ratio and administrative cost ratio were generally harmful; and (3) revenue diversification might aggravate fiscal stress and cause more expense cuts in a severe crisis. These findings improve our understanding of the mechanics of nonprofit management during times of harsh fiscal conditions and suggest useful ways for nonprofit organizations to navigate future financial crises.     

胡耀邦与“文化大革命”后拨乱反正时期的青年工作

胡耀邦同志在“文化大革命”后这个特殊的年代,对青年工作面临的基本问题,包括对“文化大革命”后青年的估价,青年工作拨乱反正的任务和基本方针,处理“文化大革命”遗留下来各种严重的青年问题的方针和政策,对当时的共青团组织怎样工作和团干部应有的精神状态与作风等,都有相关的系统论述。这是我党青年工作的一个典范。青年是社会变革中一支最敏感、最活跃也是很重要的力量,今天我们重温胡耀邦同志当时的指导思想,仍有着重要的现实意义。     

伊朗伊斯兰共和国政治体制探究

1979年伊朗爆发了伊斯兰革命,从表面看,革命的胜利是政教合一体制建立的主要原因。然而在经过两伊战争、政治孤立、经济制裁、伊核危机和总统大选风波后,这种政治体制仍能稳步发展且依然具有活力的深层原因很值得研究。本文将通过波斯传统的政治思想、伊斯兰教什叶派的宗教思想、外来现代化思想的影响和其他模式尝试的失败等四个方面来揭示这一体制得以确立和发展的内在根源。     

Introduction: decolonising the “undecolonisable”? Portugal and the independence of Lusophone Africa

In 2015, Lusophone Africa celebrated 40 years since independence. Portuguese colonies in Africa became independent in the aftermath of two orders of interlinked events. The first was the fierce-armed opposition to the colonial order – through the action of nationalist movements and nationalist thinkers such as Amílcar Cabral – which escalated after 1960 when French and English colonies in Africa were achieving independence. The second was the Carnation Revolution, in 1974, which, despite having taken place in Lisbon, had powerful reverberations across Portuguese Africa. Here, I argue that the Carnation Revolution was a by-product of the emergence of nationalist movements in Africa, when it became apparent that popular uprisings there could not be won by conventional armed struggle. Or, to put it slightly different, anticolonial struggle in Africa opened the way not only for the end of Portuguese rule on the continent, but also for the demise of dictatorship in Portugal itself.