埃伦?伍德对20世纪70年代后西方新左翼理论的批判--以普兰查斯、拉克劳-墨菲和后现代主义为典型

埃伦?伍德批评20世纪70年代后西方新左翼在理论上日渐背离经典马克思主义,其中以普兰查斯、拉克劳与墨菲、后现代主义最为典型。在她看来,普兰查斯过分抬高了意识形态与政治的重要性,其理论中存在诸多矛盾与混乱,并具有很大的危害;而拉克劳与墨菲的理论中存在诸多对马克思和马克思主义的误读,其“激进民主”方案也缺乏可靠的社会根基,政治策略本质上是一种改良主义;后现代主义的产生有其特定的历史根源,其理论逻辑混乱,政治主张亦具有很大的迷惑性并可能导致严重后果。伍德批判的出发点在于捍卫经典马克思主义的思想地位,其中贯穿着马克思主义思维方法,但在有些问题上批判过于笼统,分寸上也不是很适当。     

Shame and pride in second-generation German identity in Melbourne,Australia: emotions and white ethnicity

As members of an established, well-integrated, white ethnic group, second-generation Germans are largely invisible in Australian society. Given this, they are easily presumed a group for whom Gans’ notion of ‘symbolic ethnicity’ might apply. However, based on interviews with adult children of German immigrants in Melbourne, Australia, this article suggests an alternative interpretation using recent literature on the role of emotions for identity. In the interviews with adult children of German immigrants in Melbourne, Australia, the notions of shame and pride in relation to ethnic identity were clearly evident. Shame often emerged in interaction with other people in Australia, and particularly in relation to Nazism and the Second World War. However, most respondents felt equally proud of their German heritage, particularly later in life. These findings suggest that ethnic identity for these second-generation Germans is a deeper, embodied experience that is similar to what Bourdieu terms habitus.     

On the Joint Lot-Sizing Problem with Zero Setup Costs

In a recent paper, Pinto and Mabert [5] presented a lot-sizing rule and an improvement procedure for the joint lot-sizing problem with zero setup costs. We show that this procedure often yields infeasible schedules. We also present and discuss two interesting properties of the joint lot-sizing problem with zero setup costs. A numerical example to illustrate the second property is provided.     

冷战后美国中东战略的调整与伊朗核问题

新一届美国政府成立后,其对伊朗核问题的立场成为国际社会广泛关注的热点问题。伊朗核问题解决的方式,主要取决于美伊双方,但在全球化的今天,美国和伊朗走向直接对抗甚至爆发战争的可能性越来越小,双方更可能以全方位外交谈判的方式来解决美伊之间的矛盾。     

中美中东石油关系解析

作为居世界前两位的石油进口和消费大国,中美都离不开中东石油。中美在中东必然因石油而发生关系,这种关系具有双重性——事实上的竞争与合作关系。在中东石油领域,如果两国展开过度竞争甚至恶性竞争,双方可能走向“零和”或两败俱伤的“负数”结局;如果两国开展对话、合作或实现竞争下的合作,则完全可以在中东石油甚至其他能源领域实现互利双赢。     

浅谈约旦穆斯林兄弟会与政府的关系

长期以来,约旦穆斯林兄弟会与政府保持着良好的合作关系。穆斯林兄弟会不仅未受政府的压制,反而处于上升的态势。这有别于埃及和其他国家穆斯林兄弟会与政府之间纷繁多变的关系,这种合作关系在整个中东地区的伊斯兰运动中都是罕见的。鉴于此,本文拟就约旦穆兄会与政府的关系作一论述。     

HIV testing,perceptions of AIDS risk,and condom use motivation among US women

As STD infections including HIV increase in the United States, it has become increasingly important to policy makers to ascertain the extent to which knowledge and perceptions of AIDS risk affect an individual's probability of altering their sexual or contraceptive behavior to avoid infection. This paper examines the extent to which women's perceptions of their own and their partners' risk of HIV infection affects the probability of using a condom for protection against sexually transmitted diseases. This paper also examines the extent to which HIV testing may affect motivation for condom use. Crosstabulations reveal that prophylactic condom use is more prevalent among women who have been tested for HIV and increase as perceptions of their chance (and their partner's chance) of being positive increases. The multivariate results from this study indicate that having an HIV test significantly predicts the likelihood of using a condom for STD prevention for US women. Furthermore, women who perceive themselves to be at least somewhat likely to be HIV positive have a higher probability of using a condom to prevent sexually transmitted disease, and women who perceive their partners to be HIV positive are twice as likely as other women to use a condom for STD prevention. However, women who consider themselves likely to be HIV positive are no more likely to use a condom than those who consider themselves not at risk.     

美国国家安全委员会6008／1号文件的形成

由于50年代中后期国际形势变化和日本实力的迅速增长,美国被迫重新考虑对日战略问题。在新美日安全条约签订后,美国统治集团的经过充分讨论估价,终于通过于国家安全委员会6008／1号文件,这一文件的基本原则成为此后美国对日政策的核心。