先秦儒家天人观发展述论

天人问题是中国古代思想中的核心问题,先秦儒家,尽管“天”的含义在各个阶段、各个思想家那里有所不同,但在天人观上,从孔子、孟子到荀子,总体特点都是以人为立足点,强调在人的能动基础上达成与天的合一；同时,从孔子、孟子到荀子,先秦儒家对天的认识也明显地呈现出宗教主宰意味乃至道德意味下降,人文意味增强的趋势,这也正是社会进步、人类的主体意识觉醒的自然结果,是人类思想文化演进的必然趋势。     

国际法视角下的调查“天安”舰事件及其影响

韩国＂天安＂舰事件发生后,成为国际舆论热点。美韩自行组建调查团对事件进行调查并公布结果,认定是朝鲜袭击造成的＂天安＂舰爆炸沉没。国际舆论,尤其是西方资本主义大国的舆论,几乎一致地认为就是朝鲜所为。然而从国际法的视角看,美韩对＂天安＂舰事件的调查及其结果,在调查主体的权威性、调查过程的科学性和透明性、调查结果的可核实性和无疑性,都存在致命的缺陷,也带来了深远的不良影响。     

《鼎峙春秋》研究综述

直接研究《鼎峙春秋》的没有论著,没有硕、博论文,单篇论文也只有两篇。戏曲史对《鼎峙春秋》的来源有所涉及,但都相互沿用;《鼎峙春秋》对皮黄戏的影响已经被注意到,亦还没有深入;对《鼎峙春秋》的文本研究尚无前例;对《鼎峙春秋》的表演研究少有涉及;全面地研究《鼎峙春秋》尚属空白。     

二十卷本《搜神记》的语料价值

作为“采访近世之事”的著作,《搜神记》（二十卷本）中有很多接近当时口语的成分,保存了晋代当时很多的常用语汇,为后世研究魏晋词汇面貌提供了材料;书中大量的新词新义,既可补充现有辞书的不足,又反映出这一时期汉语词汇的真实面貌。这些都说明《搜神记》在中古汉语词汇研究中具有很大的语料价值,我们在研究汉语词汇尤其是中古汉语词汇时应予以足够重视。     

殷商至周初的照与[戈丮]臣

方[戈丮]乳各鼎属西周早期后段器,系器主为妻作器。铭文中“方”是地名,“[戈丮]”是爵或职名,“各”是人名。“[戈丮]”作为爵或职名,在晚商青铜器铭文屡见,而藏于哈佛大学福格艺术博物馆的商代晚期玉戈刻铭等均表明讯的地位很高。殷墟出土的跽坐执戈者以及西周较晚的铭文,也反映出称[戈丮]者可能是执戈拱卫之臣。     

一个多民族文学融合互动的范本——《述善集》文学文献价值考述

“Tangwu” is an alternative name for the descendants of the Xixia dynasty. In 1227 AD, a number of these Xixia descendants moved inland after the destruction of the Xixia Dynasty by the Mongolians. One group of them migrated to the area near Puyang, Henan Province. Tangwu Chongxi ( Yang Chongxi ) of the Yuan Dynasty compiled the Shu San Ji, which is divided into three volumes: Shansu, Yucai and Xingshi, and appended with the biography of Boyan Zongdao. It reflects the historical origins, social class, living conditions and the relations with the Han people of the descendants of the Dangxiangqiang minority af-ter they moved to Puyang. This book attracted a lot of attention in academic circles, and it was there-fore reorganized and published in 1985 after being treasured by the people for more than 600 years. It has high academic value for its comprehensive his-torical records. We can not only acquaint ourselves with the history of the make-up of the Chinese na-tion, but also research this diversity from multiple perspectives, such as history, nationality and folk-lore . That is why it has drawn so much attention a-mong academic researchers. The book contains po-ems, prose and biographies, which belong to dif-ferent celebrated scholars from different ethnic mi-norities, all of whom had relationships with Tang-wu Chongxi. It is also a typical model of Qiang-Han literature, which is very rare. This paper gives a preliminary exploration on the book, and shows a small part of its comprehensive value. Shu San Ji is not a merely personal collec-tion, but is also different from general literature collections. The compilation of the book took a long time. Shu San Ji Xuxie ( Continuation of Shu San Ji) , written by Zhang Yining, was finished in the 18 th year of the Zhizheng Period in the Yuan Dynasty (1358), which indicates that the Shu San Ji had already been finished by that time . Zeng wuwei chushi yangxiangxian xu ( Presented to Chu Shi Yang Xingxian·Preface ) , written by Wei Su and finished in the 24 th year of Zhizheng ( 1364 ) , suggests that the Shu San Ji had been compiled in-to a book by that time, and that it was compiled with the compositions of social celebrities of the time. However, the Shu San Ji, as it has been handed down to us today, includes the Song Yang-gong Xiangxian gui Tanyuan xu ( Preface of Send-ing Yanggong Xiangxian Back to Tanyuan) by Tao Kai, written in March in the 5 th year of Hongwu in the Ming Dynasty ( 1372 ) . It indicates that Yang Xiangxian kept on collecting articles even after the book was finished. The Xu yangshi yiji ( Preface of Yang’s Last Collection) by Wang Chongqing, writ-ten in the 6th year of Jiajing (1527), indicates that the Shu San Ji was still being written after Yang Chongxi’s death. At the end of the Shu San Ji , Boyang Zongdao zhuan ( Biography of Boyang Zongdao) and Weiti shi (Poems) were collected in the 16 th year of Zhengde in the Ming Dynasty (1529) and in the 16th year of Shunzhi in the Qing Dynasty (1629), respectively. It suggests that the
Shu San Ji had been supplemented and continually recompiled since Yang Chongxi firstly finished his book in 1358. After 271 years, in 1629, the Shu San Ji, as we read it today, was finally comple-ted. Through the basic components of the Shu San Ji,readers can understand that the Tangwu family was a harmonious, multi-ethnic family. A number of multi-ethnic writers spent long periods compos-ing works collected in the Shu San Ji and Tangwu Chongxi was also influenced by China’s diverse culture and traditional Confucian culture. The work is strongly connected with his study in Guozixue. In the late Yuan Dynasty, the restora-tion of the imperial examinations promoted Confucianism’s influence further. Pan Di, as Tang-wu Chongxi’s teacher in Guozixue, wrote most arti-cles in the Shu San Ji, which shows their close re-lationship and his influences on Tangwu Chongxi’s literature and Confucian studies. Tangwu Chongxi and others’ works reflected their sense of admira-tion for and deep feelings for their Dangxiang an-cestors, but more so helped to propagate the con-cepts of Confucian edification, diligence, thrifti-ness and benevolence, and some of them did so in a very polemic way. For example, Boyan Zongdao wrote the Jiefu xu ( preface of “Jiefu”) and Tang-wu Chongxi wrote the Jiefu houxu ( epilogue of“Jiefu”) , which reflect the social reality and ide-ology of all scholars with different ethnic back-grounds at that time. His work, “Tangwu gong-bei” fushi ( Poem inscribed on Tangwu Tablet ) , was written in a plain and authentic way and showed that he always remembered his origins and his ethnic desire to inherit the family’s heritage. Meanwhile , it was also mixed with the popular ide-as of upholding the honor of their ancestors from the central plains and Han areas, which shows the
editorial purpose of the Shu San Ji and also dem-onstrates the value of Chinese multi-ethnic litera-ture and cultural integration.     

"从大患难中出来":当代历史对于丁玲们的深层责任——关于《鲁豫有约:陈明与丁玲的故事》的断想

让一位才华横溢的女作家历尽普通人无法忍受的风暴雨寒之外,历史还应该因丁玲而承担抛却起码的人道主义的“灭绝人性”的责任;使一代“忠臣”灵魂饱受熬煎和扭曲的责任;扼杀艺术人格、制造“失语者”和“缺席者”的责任;对政治“心有余悸”、对文坛不再信任的责任。     

寓大道于庖艺之中——伊尹、庖丁形象的典型意义

古代庖人包括宰人和膳夫,负责食物的加工和制作。庖人、烰人名称的由来,体现了先民对饮食制作者的器重。伊尹和庖丁是古代早期庖人形象的代表。伊尹、庖丁形象都是以技喻道,把实际操作提升到形而上的层面加以观照、显现,并有同类作品与其辉映。     

阮籍《咏怀》诗其五十六、其七十九探微

阮籍《咏怀》诗其五十六和其七十九,历来无确定之解释。事实上,只要从诗歌所用典故入手,结合阮籍思想与所处时代进行疏证,就可得出结论:其五十六是阮籍回应谗佞之人猜疑与责难的作品,其七十九是悼念嵇康之作。     

从《郁离子》看刘基的民本思想

元末明初思想家、政治家刘基目睹元末社会动荡不安,官贪吏污,加之自己仕途坎坷,写下了感时之作《郁离子》。这本哲学著作发展了儒家民本主义思想,提出了自己爱民、养民、德治、用贤的治国主张,对后世治国产生了一定的社会影响。