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31.
香港与内地的大众文化都是现代文明的产物,都是市场经济条件下人性解放的历史必然性与进步性的表现,但都同时存在不可忽视的享乐主义倾向。然而只要充分发挥精英文化与通俗文化、香港大众文化与内地大众文化的优势互补,随着香港回归带来的双方交流的更加密切,香港与内地的大众文化一定会沿着健康的道路发展,共造中国大众文化的辉煌  相似文献   
32.
先秦儒家的德治思想是孔子总结和发展古代政治文明的重要成果,孔子的用意在于为风雨飘摇中的统治者寻找一种可以参考的统治模式,但这种统治模式直到荀子时代做了彻底的改造德治思想遂成为统治阶级“治安策”中的内容。先秦儒家德治思想也没有被统治者采用,原因是无论孔子或者孟子都没有找到这种思想与现实统治者的切合点;到战国末期,荀子对传统德治思想彻底的改造,德治思想遂成为统治阶级“治安策”中的内容。先秦儒家的德治思想有九项内容,这些内容在一程度上体现了民众的利益,但它们不过都是为了统治阶级能够长治久安而释放的怀柔声音罢了,统治阶级或者它们的代言人都不可能站在民众的角度发展这种思想,更不可能把这种思想推向民主的结局。  相似文献   
33.
Risk and its Management in Post-Financial Crisis Hong Kong   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
In the 1970s and up until the financial crisis occurred in the late 1990s, Hong Kong prospered in a relatively stable social, economic and political context. Since the financial crisis, however, its population has been increasingly exposed to risk: there has been job uncertainty and decreasing capacity for self‐reliance, leading to a growing reliance on public welfare and on families at a time when both are under pressure. The old welfare policies, unable to cope with the new risks, have been replaced by neo‐liberal reforms, redistributing the roles and responsibilities of the individual and the state, with a greater burden falling on the former. Individuals are required to be prudent to manage risk. While these reforms have relieved some of the burden on the state, both new social risk groups and ‘net taxpayers’ considered themselves to have borne disproportional costs. Society is facing serious problems resulting from ineffective old welfare policies, new social risks due to new policies, and the political upheavals arising from increased social conflicts and weakened social cohesion and solidarity. A further complication is that there is no acceptable platform or agent to negotiate a compromise between the polarized groups. This article argues that reliance on publicly funded risk coping strategies or on neo‐liberal risk prevention and mitigation strategies is not a desirable and sustainable policy. A commonly accepted political platform is required to negotiate a compromise which emphasizes shared and balanced roles and responsibilities, and a well‐conceived combination of risk prevention, mitigation and coping strategies.  相似文献   
34.
1977年 ,安徽阜阳双古堆 1号汉墓出土大批竹简 ,其中有 3枚木牍。 1号木牍应是一本单独的书 ,从内容上看 ,应是思孟学派纪录孔子及其门人言行的著作 ,其时间当在《荀子》之前。《孔子家语》与 1号木牍关系密切。  相似文献   
35.
This paper draws on empirical evidence from an attitude survey in a Chinese society to show that the universal ideals of social citizenship have strong appeal among the Chinese in Hong Kong, even though the latter are conventionally seen as having low expectations in the area of social rights. It is also shown that high expectations of social responsibilities do not imply low expectations of social citizenship. However, this does not mean that cultural context or tradition does not matter. Findings of strong support for the responsibility of parents to care for children, but in a westernized and modern context, suggest that cultural variations in beliefs about social citizenship and practice continue, but framed by an understanding of, and moral commitment to, more universal values of social citizenship.  相似文献   
36.
传教士与近代香港的中西文化交流   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近代以来,中国南部边陲两个历史上默默无闻的岛屿——香港和澳门,先后成为中西文化交流的基地和枢纽,传教士则起了穿针引线、铺路搭桥的作用。由于宗主国、传教宗派和地理环境等因素的制约,1840年后香港逐渐后来居上,该地传教士在著译出版和办教育等方面均有更大作为,成为内地教会的榜样和坚实后盾  相似文献   
37.
战后20年文学论纲   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
黄万华 《文史哲》2004,(5):62-68
以"战时8年文学"和"战后20年文学"的思路替代以往的"40年代文学"和"17年文学"的思路,能立足于完整意义上的中国文学,打通原先被分割成"现代文学"和"当代文学"的"两种时期"文学间的内在联系。在战后东亚现代性曲折展开的背景下,1945年至60年代后期的中国文学,构成了一个新的时期。这一时期的中国大陆、台湾、香港的文学各有其流变脉络,战后香港文学在意识形态对峙中开始其文化个性和文学品格的寻求,战后台湾文学突破国民党政治高压,在文学思潮引发的文学传承和转换、创作多元典律的构建等方面呈现出影响中国文学整体格局的重要走脉,战后中国内地文学则开始了原旨意义的延安文学理想和激进实践的延安文学理想间的复杂纠结。这些流变恰恰呈现出战后中国文学的共同性,并从整体上构成了一个进入"民族新文学的自觉自立"前的过渡时期,其蕴含的丰富课题及其实践,初步形成了中国文学分合有致的多元格局;所提供的文学范式,则包含着民族新文学面临政治困境、经济转型、社会变革作出各种应对的历史经验。这种视野中的40年代至60年代的中国文学史,其丰富性和历史传承性,提供了20世纪中国文学历史整合的重要基石。  相似文献   
38.
Wang KY‐T, Wong C‐k, Tang K‐L. Citizens' attitudes towards economic insecurity and government after the 2007 financial tsunami: A Hong Kong and Taiwan comparison The purpose of this study was to investigate people's attitudes to economic insecurity and government in Hong Kong and Taiwan after the financial tsunami of 2007. Random sampling telephone surveys were conducted in July 2009. These are the main conclusions: First, the most vulnerable groups hurt by the financial crisis were low‐income families and people who had lost their job or were afraid of losing it. This implies that the old policy issue of social stratification and the emerging policy issue of employment insecurity coexisted during the financial crisis. Second, personal experiences of economic insecurity had an influence on people's perceptions of the severity of the economic crisis at the societal level. Third, citizens had ambivalent feelings about public interventions during the crisis. Fourth, there were both convergence and divergence between Hong Kong and Taiwan with regard to attitudes to particular issues. The policy implications of these findings are discussed in the final section of this article.  相似文献   
39.
The common law presumption that a boy under the age of 14 is incapable of sexual intercourse has provoked controversial debates in Hong Kong. This article describes a 6-step advocacy journey to examine how community efforts have helped modify this law so that juvenile male sexual offenders under the age of 14 who have committed the crime of having sexual intercourse with underage females can be sentenced to receive appropriate treatment. Seven court cases provided by the magistrates’ courts in Hong Kong were used in this advocacy effort for the removal of the presumption in July 2012. Although this effort has yet to reveal signs of effectiveness, it represents greater public awareness about providing rehabilitation appropriate for juvenile sex offenders through a formal sentence. Restorative justice, as opposed to retributive or punitive justice, places an emphasis on rehabilitation of the offender and restoration of victims to a place of wholeness.  相似文献   
40.
Geographical location as a “natural” attribute of news has always been a source of news manipulation. This research investigates how different community newspapers select, interpret, and package events originating in places of varying distances. Contextualized in Hong Kong, three media frames (authority, conflict, and attribution) are closely examined and theoretically connected to three types of newspapers (mass appeal, elite, and pro-establishment) across four locales (local, mainland China, Asian, and international). To test the hypotheses, a large-scale content analysis of 14 daily newspapers in Hong Kong was conducted. On the whole, findings supported the three hypotheses, showing that local news was systematically differentiated from non-local news in terms of the frequency of political authorities cited, presence of diversified opinions, and the likelihood of either individuals or institutions being blamed for social wrongs. Considerable variations were detected across different types of newspapers as well. Theoretical and social implications of the empirical findings are discussed.  相似文献   
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