香港归侨养老问题及其对策

当下香港归侨群体呈现老龄化趋势,养老问题集中体现出其生存状况,但因历史原因这个群体游离于大陆和香港养老机制之外,他们的晚年养老无法得到必要的保障。文章直面香港归侨养老存在的问题,认为香港归侨社团对归侨养老发挥的仅是帮辅作用,不可能替代政府的强力救助,提出解决香港归侨养老问题的对策建议,以期为今后创新香港特区侨务工作提供有益思考。     

香港港口与城市发展

开埠之初就被定位为“自由港”的香港,是“以港兴市”的典型例子,港口的发展为香港经济的起飞和就业作出了巨大的贡献;而香港的产业发展以及与内地的区域合作,又促进了港口的繁荣,并使得香港成为国际航运中心。但目前,在金融海啸、珠三角产业转型、内地港口蓬勃发展等因素的影响下,香港港口的发展前景不容乐观。本文在回顾香港港口与城市发展关系的基础上,深入探讨了香港港口业务增长放缓的原因,并提出着力发展航运服务业,是香港航运中心转型升级、提高香港城市竞争力的重要方向。     

中国大陆与港台地区医学院校人文素质教育的比较

在医学人文素质教育方面,中国大陆与香港、台湾地区相比各具特色。中国大陆医学人文素质教育起步比香港、台湾地区晚一些,但发展迅速。中国大陆在某些方面还存在差距：没有医学人文素质教育统一的专门机构;各院校课程开设自主、不统一;高素质医学人文教师相对不足,来源和专业背景单一。     

Mental health of parents with young children in Hong Kong: the roles of parenting stress and parenting self-efficacy

This study aimed to explore the sources of parenting stress and the mental health of parents with kindergarten and primary school children in Hong Kong. It also examined the intervening effects of parenting self-efficacy on mental health of parents. Results indicated that parents who perceived their children as more demanding, less acceptable and less reinforcing had more parenting stress. Those who found their parental roles to be more restrictive also had more parenting stress. Lastly, parenting self-efficacy moderated the effects of parenting stress on the mental health of parents. Cultural and social factors were put forward to explain these findings and suggestions were made towards reducing the parenting stress experienced by parents with younger children in Hong Kong.     

Low Public Expenditures on Social Welfare: Do East Asian Countries have a Secret?

This paper explores the sources of low public expenditures on social welfare in Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore. Six factors are analysed based on aggregate data: the public/private mix of welfare programmes, the age structure, the maturity of old-age pension schemes, the population coverage of social security, the relative generosity of social security and the role of enterprises and families as alternative providers of welfare. The evidence allows putting some conventional statements about the virtues of East Asian welfare states into questions. Public expenditures on welfare are bound to rise a lot in Japan, Korea and Taiwan, while the level of protection in Hong Kong and Singapore is well below the standards of Western countries.     

Do heterophilous networks work? Investigating school-based social capital and the university choice process among less-privileged ethnic minorities in Hong Kong

Much of the existing literature on social capital and university choice processes postulates that family networks of underrepresented students from poor and minority backgrounds are disadvantaged in university resources and in turn deficit in social capital returns. The literature implies that school-based networks are essential to fill the university information voids at home. Less research, however, poses questions about whether the university resources occupied by school personnel are automatically available to less-privileged minority youths. To grasp the dynamic interplay between ethnicity, class and school-based social capital, this study drew on Lin’s conceptualisation of homophilous and heterophilous social networking and explored the university choice and application processes among poor and working-class South/Southeast Asian minority students in Hong Kong. The participants’ accounts uncovered the restrictions of school networks on norms, expectations and accessibility of information sources. The research results raise concerns about how to activate both homophilous and heterophilous ties for minority youths’ widening access to higher education.     

Residential mobility in an era of economic transformations and population reformations: A case study of Hong Kong

This paper compares the home-moving patterns of Hong Kong citizens in the periods of 1996–2001 and 2001–2006, highlighted by economic downturns, population reformations and subsequent housing policies adjustments during the second period. It is first shown in the findings that the supply of public housing, instead of its tenure, dictates home-moving propensities and patterns. Then, housing needs among elderly and pre-elderly people appears to be overwhelmed by social needs such as attachment and existing social networks, along with direct or indirect financial constraints. Besides, spatial lock-in appears to be more prevalent among Chinese immigrants as compared to non-Chinese immigrants, owed to the former's ties to local Hong Kong residents and subsequent eligibility for government assistance. Yet, despite the availability of jobs and schools, the recent trend of people moving out of new towns gradually turns these areas into marginalized communities clustered with poor people, alienated within and in a sense excluded from the city landscape altogether. A variety of policy implications, from public finance, allocation of social resources, to land use planning of rural areas and potential social conflicts, are discussed in response to the trend of population aging and immigrations from the Mainland.     

香港拾荒老人的生存境遇：以社会排斥为视角

本研究基于对96位60岁或以上的拾荒老人的问卷调查和17名老人的深度访谈,揭示了拾荒老人这一特殊群体的基本生活图景,并辨识出他们面对各种不同形式的社会排斥,包括经济排斥（缺乏工作机会与消费能力）、政治排斥（缺乏工会／机构保护其利益）、社会关系排斥（因拾荒而受到歧视或生活孤独）和福利排斥（没有领取社会保障金和无法企及社会福利服务）。     

In sight,in mind: Spatial proximity to protest sites and changes in peoples' political attitudes

Occupying public spaces can be an effective tactic for conveying a semantic message of protest and gaining wider support; however, it may also severely disrupt the everyday lives of non-participants and causes a backfire. Therefore, it remains unclear whether and how the occupy movements have shifted political attitudes among the general public. Bringing a social-spatial perspective to the case of the Occupy Central Movement (OCM) in Hong Kong, this study investigates how the attitudinal impact of occupation has varied according to people's spatial proximity to the protest sites. Using two waves of individual-level panel data collected right before and after the OCM and detailed geo-information on the respondents' home addresses and the occupied areas, we apply a difference-in-differences (DIDs) design to identify the causal link between space and attitudes. In addition, propensity score matching (PSM) methods are used to ensure the comparability of nearby and faraway residents. The results show that after the OCM, residents living near the occupied areas not only maintained their support for the pro-democracy camp but also became more liberal as compared to faraway residents. This phenomenon can be explained by the “on-site” effect, which suggests that the direct exposure to protestors' solidarity and the repressive actions of authorities arouse bystanders' sympathy for the protestors and support for their political cause. Such influence appears to be long-lasting and can be evidenced by the local election results after the protest.     

资本市场对外开放与股价崩盘风险——来自沪港通的证据

沪港通是中国资本市场对外开放的一个重大创新措施,近年来受到实务和学术界的广泛关注.以沪港通实施作为自然实验,选取我国上市公司2009年～2016年的样本数据,构建倾向得分匹配-双重差分模型(PSM-DID模型),检验资本市场对外开放如何影响上市公司股价崩盘风险.研究发现:1)相比于非沪股通标的公司而言,沪港通政策的实施显著降低了沪股通标的公司的股价崩盘风险; 2)沪港通对沪股通标的公司股价崩盘的负向影响主要存在于对外开放程度较低的上市公司中; 3)沪港通政策降低股价崩盘风险的路径在于:沪港通政策提升了沪股通标的公司的信息透明度,降低了噪音交易程度.进一步研究表明,沪港通政策对港股通标的公司股价崩盘风险没有显著影响.这些研究结果说明,资本市场对外开放有助于降低股价"暴涨暴跌"风险,促进资本市场的稳定与健康发展.研究结论不仅丰富了股价崩盘风险的相关研究,同时为监管部门进一步完善和推进资本市场对外开放政策提供了重要启示.