浅析新时期高校共青团的功能

高校是培养人才之地,高校共青团组织作为高校的有机组成部分,应立足育人实际,立足党中央、团中央对新形势下共青团职能的定位,充分发挥自身特点,着力履行好"政治思想引领"、"服务"和"保健"三项功能。     

新形势下高校加强大学生骨干培养研究

大学生骨干是高校大学生中最活跃、最具潜质、最具影响力和号召力的先进分子。加强大学生骨干培养工作关系到党和国家后继有人,关系到中华民族的伟大复兴。新形势下,大学生骨干的必备素质应是政治素养好、业务能力强、作风形象佳、群众基础牢,因此,要始终把加强思政教育、提高创新能力、坚持社会实践、建立长效机制作为大学生骨干培养的有效途径。只有这样,才能真正打造一支政治坚定、作风过硬、素质全面的大学生骨干队伍。     

Meningococcal serogroup B outbreak response University of Wisconsin-Madison

A meningococcal serogroup B (MenB) outbreak at a large public university prompted an emergency response to immunize undergraduates. Objective: To report on a successful meningococcal serogroup B (MenB) vaccine clinic response at a large public university. Methods: We assembled the team leaders to write this case report. Results: Activation of the emergency plan and points of dispensing required cooperation of many units on campus under the leadership of university health officials with support from Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, state division of public health and the city-county health department. Significant efforts to provide consistent messages to students and parents regarding the outbreak and the availability of the MenB vaccines were made. Volunteers were recruited to staff the clinics alongside university healthcare providers. Over 22,000 doses of vaccine were administered. Conclusion: We report our experience and lessons learned which may be helpful to universities in preventing and responding to disease outbreaks.     

高等学校财务信息公开问题研究--以江西省98所普通高等学校为例

高等学校财务信息公开不仅是促进我国高等学校提高财务管理水平的一个重要途径，也是社会各界了解我国高等学校运营状况的一个窗口。以江西省98所普通高等学校为样本，分析高等学校财务信息公开的现状及存在的问题，并提出我国高等学校财务信息公开的解决途径。     

A class of partially linear transformation models for recurrent gap times

In this article, we propose a general class of partially linear transformation models for recurrent gap time data, which extends the linear transformation models by incorporating non linear covariate effects and includes the partially linear proportional hazards and the partially linear proportional odds models as special cases. Both global and local estimating equations are developed to estimate the parametric and non parametric covariate effects, and the asymptotic properties of the resulting estimators are established. The finite-sample behavior of the proposed estimators is evaluated through simulation studies, and an application to a clinic study on chronic granulomatous disease is provided.     

农业保险的保障水平与财政补贴政策优化：一个文献综述 *

近年来，我国农业保险快速发展，在保费收入、保障范围和参保农户数量等指标上都取得了举世瞩目的成绩。与此同时，保障水平不高、农业保险“不解渴、不顶用”也一直是各方反映的焦点之一。本文结合了福利经济学和保险经济学中的相关理论，遵循“提高农业保险保障水平必须优化其财政补贴政策”的逻辑主线，对实施财政补贴政策是提升农业保险保障水平的前提条件、有效途径、有力举措和重要渠道进行了梳理和评析。最后，针对现有研究的不足，结合当前的时代背景，对该领域日后的研究重点进行了预测，并进一步探讨了其优化路径。     

大学生返乡创业生态系统：目标、要素、机理和对策*

创业生态系统从生态系统的视角揭示了创业生态中创业主体、创业要素、创业环境以及各要素之间的相互作用。创业生态系统是一个复杂的自适应系统，其具有复杂的自适应系统的各项特征，从系统的角度来讲，其具有系统的目标、要素、运行机理和系统边界。本文以大学生返乡创业生态系统为例，从系统目标、系统要素和系统的运行机理三个方面立体剖析了创业生态系统的内涵和外延。同时，对大学生返乡创业生态系统的目标设定、大学生返乡创业生态系统各要素的构成以及大学生创业生态系统的运行机理进行了分析，对强化大学生返乡创业生态系统的构建提出了对策建议，为促进大学生返乡创业和乡村振兴提供参考。     

全面抗战时期大后方大学教师和学生生活水平结构研究

全面抗战时期，受战时通货膨胀影响，大后方大学教师和学生群体的生活水平迅速下降，但与真正意义上的"赤贫阶层"尚有距离，决定大学教师和学生生活水平的关键要素相比战前已发生变化。战前大学教师的生活水平结构与教师职级、教育水平紧密相关，而战时大后方大学教师的生活水平结构则受到薪金、兼职、家庭负担等多方面因素的共同制约。战前大学生的主体是社会中间阶层出身的子弟，校园内的生活水平结构呈"橄榄型"，战时大后方大学校园内的生活水平结构则截然二分为富裕和清贫学生两部分，清贫学生成为学生群体中的主体。全面抗战时期大后方大学教师和学生生活水平结构的变化，既有战时客观因素的制约，也受到国民政府相应教育政策的影响。     

Promoting sustainable development through civil society: A case study of the EU’s NSA/LA thematic programme in Kyrgyzstan

The article focuses on the contribution of the European Union (EU) in promoting sustainable development through the involvement of civil society in partner countries. More specifically, it analyses the main features and outcomes of the projects implemented by civil society organizations (CSOs) in Kyrgyzstan under the EU thematic programme Non‐State Actors and Local Authorities in Development (NSA/LA). Despite its importance—this is the only EU programme providing direct support to non‐state actors and local authorities engaged in poverty reduction—to date, there has been very little research on the functioning of this instrument on the ground. This article seeks to fill this gap in the literature by examining the EU’s contribution to sustainable development through a case study on Kyrgyzstan. The study is based on primary data: 10 semi‐structured interviews conducted with the EU‐funded organizations implementing the NSA/LA programme. The NSA/LA projects were analysed by considering two major fields of engagement of non‐state actors in the development process: as service providers and as advocates (Banks & Hulme, 2012). Overall, the organizations awarded EU support were not only focused on fulfilling short‐term needs but also sought to introduce new ways of dealing with poverty and inequality, positioning themselves between the “Big‐D” and the “little‐d” approaches to development (Bebbington, Hickey, & Mitlin, 2008). Nonetheless, the EU‐funded projects were too limited and fragmented to be able to sustain long‐term structural change. Therefore, the EU should place new emphasis on creating synergies between new and old structures at the grassroots level and establishing mechanisms and bodies that could merge and co‐ordinate their efforts. In addition, the calls for proposals could highlight the need to share the lessons learnt by “obliging” the beneficiaries to act as multipliers and to pass on their positive experience to neighbouring communities. Finally, the EU could stimulate the funded organizations to experiment with innovative mechanisms of involvement in the policy‐making process, by making this aspect a mandatory requirement of the projects implemented with its support.     

Forget “militarization”: race,disability and the “martial politics” of the police and of the university

This article investigates the limits of the concept of militarization and proposes an alternative concept: martial politics. It argues that the concept of militarization falsely presumes a peaceful liberal order that is encroached on by military values or institutions. Arguing instead that we must grapple with the ways in which war and politics are mutually shaped, the article proposes the concept of martial politics as a means for examining how politics is shot-through with war-like relations. It argues that stark distinctions cannot be made between war and peace, military and civilian or national and social security. This argument is made in relation to two empirical sites: the police and the university. Arguing against the notion that either the police or the university have been “militarized,” the article provides a historical analysis of the ways in which these institutions have always already been implicated in martial politics – that is, of producing White social and economic order through war-like relations with Indigenous, racialized, disabled, poor and other communities. It concludes by assessing the political and scholarly opportunities that are opened up for feminists through the rejection of the concept of militarization in favor of the concept of martial politics.