南京国民政府时期全国性议政机构中少数民族代表考察

China is a multi-ethnic country. From the wuzu gonghe ( Five nationalities under one union ) in the early Republic of China to the current union of 56 ethnic groups, the participation of ethnic minorities in political affairs has always been a vital and important factor for the develop-ment of China’s democratic politics. On one hand, the Nanjing National Government was dedicated to the model of a“civil identification” and weakening ethnic characteristics. On the other hand, due to the immense pressure from the resistance of the Japanese invasion and the increase of minority representatives’ appeals, they had to gradually al-low some ethnic elites, as ethnic minority repre-sentatives, to participate in the national affairs so that they could acquire more political identity. Al-though the government of the Republic of China claimed “Five nationalities under one union” as well as declaring many times to guarantee extensive and orderly ethnic minority participation in national affairs, by analyzing cases of elections in the state council agencies during the period of Nanjing na-tional government, not all the promises were imple-mented. I. The general situation of the elections for ethnic minority representatives in the state council agencies. In the National Conference in 1931 , only Mongolia and Tibet were allowed to organize their own elections and send their own ethnic representa-tives. Among the total of 520 national conference representatives, Mongolian representatives accoun-ted for 12 , and Tibetans accounted for 10 . The National Political Council, which also known as“the Congress during war”, was founded on July 6 , 1938 , and was abolished on March 28 , 1948 . It lasted for 9 years and held conferences a total of 4 times. In all the 4 conferences, 10 people were elected as participants to represent Tibet to discuss political affairs, and 18 people were elected as participants representing Mongolia. However, al-though other minorities were not regarded as elec-ted units, yet still some outstanding personages from these ethnic minorities were recommended by their provinces or other political organs as partici-pants to discuss national political affairs. In the National Assembly held on November 15 , 1946 , each of the following provinces, including Yun-nan, Guizhou, Xikang, Sichuan, Guangxi and Hunan, were allowed to send ten people who re-presented their local ethnic minorities to discuss political affairs. In the National Assembly held in March of 1948 , not only the numbers of ethnic mi-norities increased, but also the way of electing them was improved. II. An analysis of the election conditions of the ethnic minority representatives in the national state agencies. 1 . Although the numbers of ethnic minority representatives increased, nevertheless, the pro-portion of them did not. During 18 years ( 1931-1948 ) , the number of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives increased from the initial 22 to 147 . However, the proportion of them only increased by 0. 7%, which was not so remarkable. 2 . The structure of the ethnic minority repre-sentatives was complicated, but most came from the “upper classes”. In the year of 1931 , there were only 6 representatives for the state conference from both Mongolia and Tibet. By the year 1948, there were 148 ethnic minority representatives coming from Mongolian, Tibetan, Hui, Manchu, Miao, Yi, and, so on, ethnic groups. As a result, the structure of ethnic representation was more complex as the numbers increased during the peri-od of Nanjing National Government. Many repre-sentatives were elected by the selection method, and most of them came from the upper classes. Therefore, structurally, representatives from the bottom rung of society who deeply understood the sufferings of ethnic people, were lacking. 3 . The regional characteristics of the ethnic minorities were weakened and the ethnic character-istics were strengthened. With regard to the elec-tion of representatives for the National Conference held in 1931, in consideration of regional politics, only Tibet and Mongolia were chosen as election u-nits which could hold their own elections. When the National Political Council was held in 1938 , the situation had not changed. Many provinces, for example, Xinjiang, and Ningxia, and many south-western provinces, which were home to many eth-nic minority people, could only select their repre-sentatives through elections held either by organiza-tionsor elections on the provincial or municipal lev-el. It was not until the victory of the war against Japan, that the National government acknowledged the particular characteristics of the southwestern ethnic minorities. It was only at the time of the e-lection for the representatives for the National As-sembly, that the Manchu and Hui achieved the right to hold their own election separately. III. “Five nationalities under one union” or“Single nation state”? Although the Nanjing National Government claimed “Five nationalities under one union” and asserted to the public that all the nationalities were equal, Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were hopeful of building a country which promoted the situation of a “single nation state”. Their ethnic policies embraced the hope of the national govern-ment, i. e. to replace“ethnic identity” with“state identity”. In fact, with the awakening of ethnic consciousness in modern times, it was obvious that the idea that 400 million of people came from the same nationalities was only the government’s view. During that time, although the political status of a few ethnic minorities was acknowledged by the gov-ernment and the number of the ethnic minority rep-resentatives increased, the change was not promo-ted by the national government on its own accord. First of all, because of the pressure from the resist-ance to the Japanese invasion, all the social clas-ses needed to unify. In addition, many ethnic elites tried their best to gain the opportunity to par-ticipate in national affairs. What’s more, the eth-nic policies in those regions governed by the Com-munist Party were also one of the influential fac-tors. From the National Conference to the National Assembly, the criteria for holding elections were still only acquired by the Mongols, Tibetans, Hui, Manchus and the ethnic minorities in the southeast-ern border areas. All in all, it was an unequal way for ethnic minority representatives to participate in national affairs. Objectively, the ideal of a “Single Nation state” which was pursued by the nationalists was not suitable for China’s situation. Instead, it might be the cause of ethnic conflicts. China has a vast territory with uneven economic development. The transportation, economy and education in the re-gions where ethnic minorities live were mostly un-developed. As a result, it was difficult for the eth-nic minorities to win when they campaigned with the inner regions which held many resources. Fur-thermore, although a few of the ethnic minorities were gradually granted the status of political sub-ject by the Nanjing National Government, this process lacked efficiency. A large group of the ci-vilians belonging to ethnic minorities had trouble approaching state identification while, moreover, their own ethnic identification was not acknowl-edged by the government. Therefore, the ethnic minority region naturally found it difficult to identi-fy with the rule of the national government.     

对外交流与文化张力——南京对外文化交流史析说

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从南京到台北——1949年“国府”迁台经过

1948年底,内战中不断失利,国民党高层都在酝酿撤出南京。此后,从南京到广州、重庆、成都,尽管大多数国民党高层人士主张在大陆坚持,但是,1949年底,蒋介石最终决定中枢迁台,其中原因,主要有蒋认为国民党在台湾的统治基础较好,他的关键幕僚亦坚决赞成,以及金门战役的影响等等。     

重建现代汉诗的当代主体性——评黄梵的诗集《南京哀歌》

黄梵诗集《南京哀歌》的重要价值主要体现在它对现代汉诗当代主体性的重建上,具体表现在它对时间意识的重视,对诗歌意境的营构,对“直接抒写”的追求三大方面;同时,在新世纪诗歌的公共性方面留下了思考的空间。     

陈果夫与江苏省立医政学院

江苏省立医政学院是南京医科大学最早前身.1934年,国民党要员陈果夫创建了江苏省立医政学院,并兼任首任院长.他大力实验新医政教育制度,创造融合中西医的新医学,使学校在办学理念、培养体系、管理体制和民生服务等方面都取得了长足发展,江苏省立医政学院也成为民国医学教育领域中独树一帜的“医政学院”.     

鸦片战争与中国近代史研究——以清末民国时期中国历史教科书为中心

20世纪以来,人们对鸦片战争的认识有个变化的过程,鸦片战争在中国历史中的地位逐步提升。清末认为,它是中外交通中一个普通事件。民国成立后,认为鸦片战争的主要影响是导致鸦片泛滥,烟毒流于中国。1930年前后,认为鸦片战争是帝国主义侵略之始,是中国历史的转折点。20世纪30年代的时势,使得朝野双方在历史研究要有现实关怀的努力下,共同促成了鸦片战争由一般性事件到中国近代史开端的转变。与一般史著将鸦片战争作为中国近代史开端不同的是,代表国家和政府意志的历史教科书采用了"清初(明清之际)"开端。"清初"开端是希图将中国纳入世界历史之中,通过世界历史来寻求自己的历史定位;"鸦片战争"开端所关心的不仅是参与世界历史,而且要努力体现中国历史的独特之处。无论是以"鸦片战争"还是以"清初"作为中国近代史开端,在向西方寻求近代的努力上是一致的,都体现了如何在世界历史中安置中国历史的这一难局:一方面是参照西方历史进行的中国史分期方式,已预示着将中国历史纳入普遍历史之中;一方面是中国鸦片战争以来落后和挨打的现实,又难以回避。今天关于中国史研究的诸多论争,实则是这一问题的延续。     

沪宁铁路与民初江苏旅游业的发展

清末,铁路的引入标志着中国近代旅游的开始。沪宁铁路是近代中国最有价值的铁路线之一,它的通车运营便利沿线人们的出行,改变人们传统观念,至民国年间,旅游渐渐成为一种时尚。沪宁铁路的客运呈旺盛之势,这与沪宁铁路局制定的各种营销政策以及不断完善的服务密切相关,而日益增长的客流量提高了铁路交通消费,带动沿线旅游服务业的兴起和发展,对旅游目的地社会经济的发展起到极大的推动和促进作用。     

长三角城市企业自主创新研究 ——以南京市为案例

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论训政时期南京政府地方党政关系

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孙中山的“考试权”思想及其在国民政府时期的实践

伟大的革命先行者孙中山先生在发动辛亥革命与规划中华民国新政权时,吸取了中国古代科举制度中的一些有益内容,又参考了近代西方文官制度中的一些成功经验,加以改革与发展,创立了考试权独立的学说。这是孙中山政治思想的重要组成部分。南京国民政府时期实施的高等文官考试制度,就是根据孙中山先生的考试权学说而建立起来的,在中国现代政治史与现代教育史上曾发挥过一定的作用。虽然由于国民党政治的日趋腐败,而使高等文官考试制度受到越来越多的腐蚀与破坏,但它对社会曾发生的作用与影响,它的经验与教训,都是值得我们重视的,可以作为当前我国干部制度与人事制度改革的借鉴。