Dutch assimilation versus migrants’ hybridism: narratives of Poles in The Hague

An observer of the debates conducted amongst Palestinian intellectuals over the one-state solution in Palestine/Israel, will have perceived a surge of interest in these discussions in recent years. This article investigates the reasons for the mounting interest, and attempts to introduce a number of distinctions and parameters into the debate in order to create some order within it – an increasingly imperative task if these discussions are to proceed in a constructive manner.

In the first section of the paper, the author seeks to ascertain the source of the impetus for a revival of the one-state solution (OSS); the article also outlines a typology of the arguments commonly evoked in favor of the OSS, exploring its allure for Palestinians. The second section aims to determine what, if the OSS is indeed ‘the solution,’ is the problem that it purports to solve, and in what sense it constitutes a solution to that problem. In this section, the author claims that many of the arguments deployed in support of the OSS are misplaced and do not truly represent an answer to the actual problems facing the Palestinians. The author's main line of reasoning is that the existing criticisms of the Oslo Accords and its perceived failure should not inexorably lead the Palestinians to abandon the two-state solution (TSS) and adopt the OSS, as this solution is not necessarily more just (although it might be), nor is it incontrovertibly more realizable. The third section argues that support of the OSS nevertheless represents a compelling option for the Palestinians, but for reasons other than those usually put forward by its advocates. Its value lies not in the disputable fact that it is a better ‘solution’, but rather in that it provides the means for altering present relations between Palestinians and the Israeli state, empowering Palestinians and supplying them with tools for their struggle. Understood in this way – as a means rather than a final solution – the OSS has the potential to change the fundamental parameters of the problem, reformulating the present by perceiving it through the prism of an imagined future. The evocation of the OSS shifts the Palestinian position from a struggle unto death against the Israelis to a master-slave dialectics with them. This shift turns Palestinian weakness into strength, puts limits on Israeli power, and furnishes the Palestinians with a plan and agenda for struggle, which they currently lack.     

阿拉法特与巴勒斯坦民族解放斗争方式的演变

阿拉法特在青年时代就立志为巴勒斯坦民族求解放,并在争取民族解放的战斗中不断成长,其斗争方式由武装斗争逐渐转变为武装斗争与政治外交并举,最终顺应历史发展的潮流而走上和平建国的道路,为巴勒斯坦人民的民族解放事业贡献了毕生的精力.     

浅析巴以冲突持续的主要原因

当前这场巴以冲突的持续,具有多方面的复杂原因.巴以双方基于民族对立和隔阂形成的互不信任,是冲突激化和持续的重要社会心理基础,双方强硬势力的活跃是冲突扩大和持续的直接原因.9·11事件后的国际反恐形势不同程度地助长了巴以双方的相互报复,美国等外部力量不尽妥当的干预未能起到及时制止冲突扩大的应有作用.这些来自不同方面的因素共同促成了巴以冲突的持续.     

浅析以色列的“定点清除”政策

2000年9月，巴以冲突爆发以来，以方不断强化以打击巴激进组织领导人和活跃分子为目标的“定点清除”政策．不可否认，短期内这种政策给巴激进组织和成员以沉重打击，在一定程度上使其行为有所约束．但是，此种违反国际法的“清除”政策遭到了国际社会的强烈谴责，也违背了以色列自身的长远利益。巴以冲突的历史表明，武力征服不了一个民族，巴以和平唯有通过政治谈判才能实现．     

巴以冲突症结分析

巴勒斯坦问题是中东问题的核心,旷日持久的巴以冲突之所以迟迟得不到解决,有着错综复杂的原因,牵扯到边界划分、水资源分配、圣城耶路撒冷归属、巴难民回归等诸多棘手的问题;此外还有三个重要原因:一是以色列当局的逆向思维;二是美国称霸世界的全球战略的需要;三是阿拉伯世界自身的弱点。     

布什政府“新中东政策”评析

布什政府新近推出的和平计划虚多实少，存在诸多缺陷。美国的中东政策服务于全球反恐的战略需要，没有也不可能改变“袒以压巴”的一贯立场。美国政策的利己主义不可能给中东带来持久的和平，新政策避免了不昙花一现的命运。     

论新王国时期埃及和巴勒斯坦地区的关系

埃及和巴勒斯坦地区是古代近东文明的两个重要部分,在近东文明发展的整个历程中两地通过西奈半岛或海上交通始终保持着密切的联系,并构成了整个近东世界各种族部族间相互联系的主线,同时也为中世纪以及近现代两地的关系提供一个较为清晰的历史渊源.埃及与巴勒斯坦地区的联系可以追溯到埃及的史前文化时期,但只有当历史进入到新王国时期的时候,埃及和巴勒斯坦之间的联系才达到质的变化,密集的战事和频繁的外交活动改变了两地间往昔的平和氛围,从而迎来了了整个近东世界国际时代的到来.     

美国中东政策的缘起——罗斯福对战后中东的构想及其影响

直到二战爆发美国才真正开始制定其中东政策，罗斯福在战时提出的包括其世界蓝图在内的一系列构想对后来美历届政府中东政策的制定和战后世界格局及一些地区性问题的产生、发展和走向都产生了巨大影响。     

Rational choice and the political bases of changing Israeli counterinsurgency strategy

Israeli counterinsurgency doctrine holds that the persistent use of credible threat and disproportionate military force results in repeated victories that eventually teach the enemy the futility of aggression. The doctrine thus endorses classical rational choice theory's claim that narrow cost-benefit calculations shape fixed action rationales. This paper assesses whether Israel's strategic practice reflects its counterinsurgency doctrine by exploring the historical record and the association between Israeli and Palestinian deaths due to low-intensity warfare. In contrast to the expectations of classical rational choice theory, the evidence suggests that institutional, cultural and historical forces routinely override simple cost-benefit calculations. Changing domestic and international circumstances periodically cause revisions in counterinsurgency strategy. Credible threat and disproportionate military force lack the predicted long-term effect.     

Health Beliefs and Attitudes: A Comparison Between Turkey and Palestine

ABSTRACT

The purpose of this study is to identify the beliefs and attitudes that influence health-related behavior while comparing two countries that can have different political and economic structures. This study also gathers both Turkish and Palestinian citizens' beliefs and attitudes towards health determinants. To assess and compare citizens' attitudes toward health care and health determinants a total of 4,100 questionnaires were distributed, whereas 2,600 were distributed in Turkey, and another 1,500 questionnaires in the Palestine. According to the research, the individuals surveyed in Turkey noted that smoking, stress, and getting access to a medical institution were noted as the most influential determinants which affect their health; whereas, the people of Palestine thought that income status, and educational levels were the most influential factors in health. In addition, it was found that there were some statistically significant differences between participants' responses in Turkey and Palestine; however, what both samples shared was that economic factors were an important factor affecting health beliefs and attitudes, regardless of where a participant lived. Finally, comparisons and future recommendations are made to improve health-related beliefs, attitudes and behaviors in both countries.