犹太定居点问题浅析

犹太定居点问题是巴以冲突及中东和平进程中最为棘手的问题之一。该问题能否顺利解决,直接关系到中东地区的和平与安宁,关系到中东和平进程的推进。本文试从早期犹太定居点政策、犹太定居点的建设与扩张、犹太定居点的出路三个方面对该问题作一探讨。     

Political opportunities and the quest for political recognition in Tibet,Taiwan, and Palestine

This paper introduces a political opportunity approach to conceptualizing the political recognition of states in the international system. The usefulness of the approach is demonstrated through a comparative analysis of the historical trajectories of Tibet, Taiwan, and Palestine in their attempts to become recognized as nation-states. I argue that political opportunities, alignment of interests, timing, and external patronage created political recognition outcomes observed for entities like Tibet, Taiwan, and Palestine. Recognition outcomes took multiple forms and included opportunities for recognition as well as whether or not a state government recognized these entities as independent states. More broadly, I argue that recognition outcomes for the cases in question are shaped by a larger political structure that I describe as the ‘opportunity structure for recognition.’     

War outside, ceasefire inside: An analysis of the performance appraisal system of a public hospital in a zone of conflict

Our study examines the use of the performance appraisal system at Hebron Public Hospital (Palestine) during the second intifada, started in 2000. The aim of the article is to shed light on the reasons behind the use of performance appraisal systems in organizations operating in zones of conflicts, an area relatively neglected by HR scholars. To create the theoretical fundament we draw on mainstream literature on performance appraisal, contextualizing it to the Middle-Eastern context. From the literature analysis, we identify five guiding logics for the implementation and use of performance appraisal systems (Appendix A). We use a multi-method approach, qualitative and quantitative, to analyze the longitudinal performance evaluation data over the period 2000-2002 for about 250 individuals. These data are complemented with interviews and observations in the field.Our analysis shows that the trends evidenced in the quantitative analysis are similar to trends evident in Western contexts. However, these trends were not the consequence of the same five Western logics found in the literature. The qualitative study allows us to identify two additional logics for making sense of the performance appraisal system at Hebron Public Hospital: the need to find peace within the organization (organizational peacefulness logic); and the need to maintain order through the acceptance of the status quo (dominance logic). These results allow us to draw conclusions for theory and practice of HR management and to identify useful criteria for doing research in areas of conflicts.     

Religion as nationalism: the religious nationalism of American Christian Zionists

The term ‘religious nationalism’ is often theorized, at worst as antithetically conjunctive where religion is defined as the allegiance to God and nationalism is the allegiance to the nation, and at best as instrumental. I argue here that this fusion of religion and nationalism takes place most convincingly if we understand religion as adherent performance rather than solely as a theological container of tenants. I illustrate this through American Christian Zionist performances and discourses regarding their self-imagined identity as being in a national diaspora for Israel. I argue this religious nationalism is possible because Christian Zionist performances of a national allegiance to Israeli Jews are grounded in an apocalyptic narrative of the future.     

A glance into the hidden burden of maternal morbidity and patterns of management in a Palestinian governmental referral hospital

BackgroundLittle is known about the burden and patterns of maternal morbidity during childbirth, particularly in the Middle East Region. Investigating the patterns of maternal morbidity can be useful in guiding improvement in the quality of maternal services, and informing policy debates on women's health.ObjectiveTo examine the incidence, types and patterns of management of severe and non-severe maternal morbidities of Palestinian women during pregnancy, labour, delivery and up to seven days postpartum in one Palestinian hospital.MethodsA prospective hospital-based study was conducted for a 3-month period in 2011–2012, reviewing hospital records for all pregnant women (1.583) admitted to the governmental hospital in Ramallah, Palestine.FindingsOf all pregnant women included in this analysis (1.558), 419 (26.9%) women experienced one or more maternal morbidities and 15 (0.96%) women survived a life-threatening complication (near miss). Of all women who suffered morbidities, 69 (16.5%) had vaginal deliveries, 61 (14.6%) had cesarean sections, 179 (42.7%) had abortions/miscarriage, and 110 (26.3%) experienced complications during pregnancy or the post-partum. Hemorrhage during pregnancy, birth or postpartum was the most common morbidity. Of those who gave birth, women who gave birth by cesarean sections were three times more likely to suffer from morbidities than those who had vaginal delivery.ConclusionsThe burden of maternal morbidity for Palestinian women between the ages of 16 and 48 is high. In Palestine, maternal morbidity can be prevented by promoting a rational use of cesarean section, avoiding unnecessary medicalization, reducing unwanted pregnancies and updating practices of providers related to abortion/miscarriage care.     

“Their wounds are our wounds”: a case for affective solidarity between Palestine and Kashmir

ABSTRACT

Both Palestine and the Indian held Kashmir have become hallmarks of a postcolonial siege manifest in heavy militarisation, illegal occupation, human rights violations, and an excruciating love born from and for people’s resistance and solidarity. While different, strong overlaps exist between the two conflicts in having been?midwifed?by the waning British Empire in 1947; subsequent internationalisation and fighting against a type of contemporary international politics that subsumes them under so-called ‘Islamic terrorism.’ Also noticeable is the motif of ‘suffering’ that makes the tragedy of Kashmir resonate with the pathos of Palestine. This paper focuses on the vantage from Kashmir, where people herald the Palestinian struggle as pioneering and a beacon of just struggle. I illustrate how Kashmiris, have come to?harbour?for the Palestinians an ‘affective solidarity’ which is evident in their modes of resistance to lend support for the liberation of Palestine and credibility to the Kashmir’s own resistance movement.     

从巴以选举看巴以政局演变

2006年初,巴勒斯坦和以色列相继进行了两场重要的选举。哈马斯出人意料地战胜了法塔赫,在孤立的国际环境中组建了巴勒斯坦新政府。不久,以色列政坛也因沙龙退出利库德集团却又突然卧病而发生强震。持强硬立场的哈马斯和继承沙龙路线的前进党上台,使巴以政局发生重大变化,也使巴以局势和中东和平进程蒙上阴影。巴以内部政治势力的演变在很大程度上决定着决策者在和谈进程中的战略选择。剖析巴以政局巨变的背景,有助于更好地理解近年来巴以谈判陷入困境的原因,进而对巴以局势的走向作出较准确的判断。     

赫茨尔犹太复国主义思想探源

历史上犹太人的悲惨处境和复国梦想以及 19世纪欧洲的思想文化影响 ,使赫茨尔从赞成同化转向倡导复国。赫茨尔的犹太复国主义思想不仅反映了犹太人的复国愿望和犹太民族的新觉醒 ,并且把犹太复国主义发展成为大规模的世界性的政治运动 ,为现代以色列的建立奠定了基础 ,对犹太民族的历史产生了重要的影响     

"后阿拉法特时代"中东地区的和平前景

进入"后阿拉法特时代",中东地区局势给人们将带来新的希望,中东和平的力量将会呈现上升势头,和平的进程将会得到恢复和发展.但中东局势也面临着许多新的复杂因素和变数,制约着中东地区和平的发展进程.因此,中东地区和平进程的前景不容乐观.     

从以色列撤离加沙看巴勒斯坦问题的解决前景

巴勒斯坦问题的最终解决将以建立独立的拥有永久边界的巴勒斯坦国而告终.至于在未来一段时间内是建立拥有临时边界和主权象征的巴勒斯坦国,还是建立独立的拥有永久边界的巴勒斯坦国则取决于巴以和谈的结果.以色列可能有条件地从它1967年第三次中东战争中所占领的约旦河西岸的大部分土地上撤走,在巴以谈判中以1949年停战线即“绿线”为基础,进行小幅度调整.