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101.
明代重赋出于政治原因说   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
明代江南苏州、松江等地的田赋负担十分沉重,这是明史和中国经济史中的一大问题。明清以来,对明代苏松重赋问题的原因论述极多,但众说纷坛,莫衷一是。其实,明代除江南地区外,明代江西、陕西等地也出现了重赋现象。通盘考察明代的几个重赋区可以发现,这些地区虽自然、经济社会条件大相径庭,但共同的一点是元末明初皆为朱元璋的敌对势力所占领,他们曾与明军相抗衡,这正是这些地区遭到朱元璋重赋政策惩罚的原因。  相似文献   
102.
从汉昭帝刘弗陵即位 (前 86)到西汉末的约一个世纪 ,是西汉政治和经学发展的一个相对独立时期。就政局而言 ,外戚与中宦交替专权 ,君权旁落 ,政局多变。与汉武帝时期的皇权极盛、高度集权很不相同。就经学而言 ,重用儒士 ,广建学校 ,盛行以灾异论政 ,并出现了政治与儒学合一的现象。儒学和儒生的地位空前提高 ,这与汉武帝时期儒学仅用于“润饰吏事”、儒生往往被“俳优蓄之”也有极大差别。但是 ,经学地位的提高和空前发展并未给经学和儒生带来多少好运 ,诡谲多变的政局不仅使经学盛极而衰 ,也导致了士人的坎坷与分流。很多士人与政治渐渐疏离 ,尽管表现方式各有不同 ,但总体上呈现出一股道家思想回归的潮流  相似文献   
103.
《认一论大纲》是伊斯兰教义学古典名著,距今已有1300多年了.文中涉及到伊斯兰教义学、伊斯兰哲学长期以来所探讨的诸多重大问题,对于伊斯兰哲学、教义学、凯拉姆学、苏非学即中国穆斯林哲学思想和经堂教育的研究,都具有较高的历史文献价值和参考价值.  相似文献   
104.
基于公正与平等理念的伊斯兰信用思想作为伊斯兰教经济思想的重要内涵,彰显了丰富的伦理内涵,但在全球化、金融一体化的浪潮中亦呈现出其阻滞伊斯兰社会金融发展、滞缓其全球化进程的因子,凸显了宗教伦理与经济发展的二元张力。伊斯兰教在留存其信用经济思想丰富伦理内涵的同时,也应依据创制精神对其加以阐释,以更好地应对全球化金融浪潮。  相似文献   
105.
美国于2003年发动的伊拉克战争对中东地区政治制度产生了深刻影响,一些中东国家或政权的政治结构和政治力量对比因此出现了重大变化。其中,尤以伊拉克、黎巴嫩、巴勒斯坦的变化最为显著,它们按照政党制、议会制、选举制的模式各自进行了政治制度变革的尝试,并取得了一定进展,但总体尚不成熟。从西方引进的民主制度无疑改变了这些国家或政权的政治生活,有一定的积极作用,但不是治本良药,中东地区的问题需依靠地区自身来解决。  相似文献   
106.
This study examines an overlooked dynamic in sociological research on greenhouse gas emissions: how local areas appropriate the global carbon cycle for use and exchange purposes as they develop. Drawing on theories of place and space, we hypothesize that development differentially drives and spatially decouples use- and exchange-oriented emissions at the local level. To test our hypotheses, we integrate longitudinal, county-level data on residential and industrial emissions from the Vulcan Project with demographic, economic and environmental data from the U.S. Census Bureau and National Land Change Database. Results from spatial regression models with two-way fixed-effects indicate that alongside innovations and efficiencies capable of reducing environmentally harmful effects of development comes a spatial disarticulation between carbon-intensive production and consumption within as well as across societies. Implications for existing theory, methods and policy are discussed.  相似文献   
107.
作为现代史上涉足政治最深的自由主义知识分子, "爱惜羽毛" 的胡适难掩其对政治的浓厚兴趣, 他的政治野心屡受打击, 却百折不挠. "四一二事变" 后, 在客居上海的三年半时间里, 胡适与政治权力之间历经从疏离、 接近、 受挫再到反抗、 放弃和妥协的心路历程. 胡适在上海期间与国民党的话语权冲突, 源于其逼仄的生存空间以及欧美宪政理念与军事强人政治的分歧, 体现了自由主义知识分子对精神自由和人格独立的追求, 是 "叙拉古" 母题下 "知识分子遇到政治" 的典型样本.  相似文献   
108.
The paper seeks to makes a contribution to a recent debate in the Journal about what a political economy of youth might look like. The paper will take up aspects of Sukarieh and Tannock’s [2016. ‘On the political economy of youth: a comment.’ Journal of Youth Studies 19 (9): 1281–1289] response to the initial contributions by Côté [2014. ‘Towards a New Political Economy of Youth.’ Journal of Youth Studies 17 (4): 527–543, 2016. ‘A New Political Economy of Youth Reprised: Rejoinder to France and Threadgold.’ Journal of Youth Studies.] And France and Threadgold [2015. ‘Youth and Political Economy: Towards a Bourdieusian Approach.’ Journal of Youth Studies], and will take the form of three ‘notes’: Capitalism: From the first industrial revolution to the third industrial revolution; Youth as an artefact of governmentalised expertise; The agency/structure problem in youth studies: Foucault’s dispositif and post-human exceptionalism.

These notes will suggest that twenty-first century capitalism is globalising, is largely neo-Liberal, and is being reconfigured in profound ways by the Anthropocene, bio-genetics, Artificial Intelligence (AI), and the Internet of Things (IoT). A political economy of twenty-first century capitalism, let alone a political economy of young people, must be able to account for a capitalism that in many ways looks like the capitalism of the First and Second Industrial Revolutions, but which is at the same time profoundly different as it enters what has often been described as the Third Industrial Revolution. It is these profound emergences that pose the greatest challenges for engaging with a political economy of youth.  相似文献   

109.
This article asks whether political education at upper secondary school – i.e. shortly before or at the age when young people receive the right to vote – affects individual political interest as well as differences in political interest between social groups. Empirically, we use a novel data set combining individual student data with information on classroom-based political education as well as teacher characteristics. We do not find support for a more or less automatic and positive effect of classroom-based political education on young people’s political interest. Whereas we analyzed three dimensions of political education (knowledge, skills, arousing interest in politics), the skills dimension was the only one that exhibited a consistent positive (and mostly significant) relationship with young peoples’ political interest. Moreover, classroom-based political education seems not to compensate for a lack of political socialization at home but rather tends to affect students with politically interested parents most strongly.  相似文献   
110.
Max Halupka 《Policy Studies》2017,38(2):168-184
As a decentralised virtual community, Anonymous has been characterised by its oppositional tendencies. Helped by a collective persona and horizontal management structure, Anonymous has facilitated a myriad of differentiated agenda. However, we can observe a distinct change in its participatory form over time. So, while Anonymous, more broadly, functions as a virtual community, its means of engagement has shifted from a social movement to a decentralised cell network. This article explores the relationship between these changes, and its evolution as a virtual community. Drawing upon Iriberri and Leroy’s [(2009 Iriberri, A., and G. Leroy. 2009. “A Life-Cycle Perspective on Online Community Success.” ACM Computing Surveys (CSUR) 41 (2): 129. doi: 10.1145/1459352.1459356[Crossref], [Web of Science ®] [Google Scholar]) “A Life-Cycle Perspective on Online Community Success.” ACM Computing Surveys (CSUR) 41 (2): 1–29] life cycle framework, the article maps Anonymous’ development and identifies the structural changes that have led to this transformation in its modes of participation.  相似文献   
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