"士"与战国时期的传播艺术

在社会性质由奴隶制向封建制转化的春秋战国时期,"士"在政治、经济、军事、外交活动中充任着重要的角色,逐渐取代周代以前的"巫史",成为当时社会传播活动的主体,他们通过游说诸侯、聚徒讲学、记言记事等方式,向诸侯、学生及大众传播自己的思想观念,而这种种不同的传播方式又展示出他们在论辩艺术、教育艺术和叙事艺术方面的高超智慧.     

美国公共服务改革及其对中国的启示

美国公共服务经历了“国有化改革”、“回归市场”和“多元参与”几次改革。这一改革路径,反映了美国政府试图兼顾公共服务效率与公平目标,努力寻求和探索政府的经营管理职能与服务公众职能之间平衡。美国作为发达国家的主要代表,其公共服务发展的经验和教训,对当前中国公共服务改革和服务型政府的构建,非常具有启示性     

谁是战胜日本军国主义的决定性力量？

在战胜日本军国主义的过程中,中国战场和太平洋战争究竟孰轻孰重,一直是中外＂二战＂史学界热烈讨论的问题。依照军事史研究的自身规律,理性审视这一易带民族情感色彩的话题,美国对日作战的首要贡献应给予客观的评价。其论据主要有四：美国的参战根本改变了对日作战的力量对比;美军消灭了日本武装力量的主力;美军的海空攻击严重摧毁了日本国力;美国主导了战胜日本的法律和外交进程。     

广州地区出土战国秦汉文字资料浅探

历年来广州出土的汉代以前文字资料已有相当规模,以文字载体分有铜器铭文、石刻文字、陶器文字、玺印文字、简牍文字等,具有丰富的历史文化内涵和重要的学术价值,学术界已有一些研究成果发表。然而这些资料散见于各种书刊,迄今无人系统整理过。文章综述散见于各种书刊的广州地区出土的战国秦汉文字资料,并对这些珍贵出土文献在文字学、语言学、文献学、历史学和文化学等方面的价值有所阐发。     

西藏商务代表团的美国之行与美国对西藏政策的转变

解放战争时期的1947-1948年间,西藏当局派出以孜本·夏格巴为首的西藏商务代表团,赴印度和美国、英国等国游说西藏独立,但是无功而返。围绕对于该代表团的接待问题,南京国民政府与美国政府就西藏的地位问题发生争执。美国政府最后尊重了中方的立场,承认西藏是中国领土的一部分。整个事件的处理过程表明,在冷战的大背景下,当南京政府在全中国的统治行将覆灭之际,美国政府对于西藏的政策开始发生转变。     

美国宪法第四修正案中的"相当理由"之变迁——兼论我国刑事强制措施证明标准的完善

美国宪法第四修正案中的"相当理由"在司法实践中经历了从一元向多元的嬗变,与之遥相呼应,美国理论界也一直存在着"相当理由"究竟是固定标准还是滑动标准的论争。我国未来刑事诉讼法的修改,应借鉴美国法上的"相当理由"标准,在遵循比例原则的基础上,规定多元化的刑事强制措施证明标准的同时,建立相关的配套措施,保障刑事强制措施制度的正当化。     

对赫哲族聚居区"十五"期间经济和社会发展的调查分析

本文作者在"十五"期间深入赫哲族聚居区,对赫哲族人民在"十五"期间经济和社会生活各方面所取得的成就进行了调查和分析,向我们展示了赫哲族在"十五"期间全面建设小康社会取得的新成就.     

部分状态可见的隐马尔可夫模型状态序列的估计方法

本文考虑了部分状态可见的隐马尔可夫模型的状态序列估计问题,在分析了现有算法无法合理估计状态路径之后,以状态转移概率、观测概率和可见状态作为先验信息,通过贝叶斯分析计算可见状态前后向状态的后验概率,并给出初始条件和递推公式,运用动态规划递推得到每个观测值对应的最可能状态以及最可能的状态路径。最后,本文给出一个系统故障识别的应用例子,验证了所设计算法的可行性。     

How publics’ active and passive communicative behaviors affect their tornado responses: An integration of STOPS and SMCC

During imminent threat crises, such as natural disasters, publics have minutes to decide how to respond after receiving a warning. This study advances understanding of publics’ crisis communicative and noncommunicative behaviors in the context of tornadoes through combining and extending two theories: the social-mediated crisis communication (SMCC) model and the situational theory of problem solving (STOPS). Findings from a survey of Southeast U.S. residents (n = 1,585) indicate that STOPS is internally consistent and accurate at measuring its intended outcomes of communicative action in problem solving. However, the STOPS measures do not have a significant relationship with the desirable outcome for imminent threat crisis communication: individuals following government’s protective action guidance about tornadoes. In comparison, the expanded SMCC model predicts individuals’ self-reported compliance. Finally, variables from the SMCC model and tornado-specific variables were integrated into the STOPS model to explain individuals’ communicative engagement. Implications for theory and public relations practice are discussed.     

The public life of white affects

The growing political power of racialized groups in white‐supremacist societies has unsettled the hegemonic position of whiteness. In the United States, this political shift has led to the linguistic repositioning of whiteness within public discourse as visible and vulnerable rather than unmarked and dominant; such repositioning operates as part of a larger strategy for maintaining white supremacy. Within white publics, which are simultaneously constituted through white public space, white public discourse, and white affects, those who are white‐identified linguistically engage in affective performances that reassert racial dominance by invoking claims of wounded whiteness. The article compares the affective strategies of white public discourse found, on the one hand, in ethnographic interviews with white youth in liberal educational spaces in California and, on the other hand, in the mediatized discourse of the US racist far right. The analysis identifies five affective discourse strategies deployed in the white public discourse of both groups: colormute racism; disavowals of racism; appropriations of diversity discourses; performances of white fragility; and claims of reverse racism. This shared set of discursive strategies is part of the larger convergence and mutual dependence of militant racism and mainstream racism in protecting all white people’s possessive investment in white supremacy.