二十卷本《搜神记》的语料价值

作为“采访近世之事”的著作,《搜神记》（二十卷本）中有很多接近当时口语的成分,保存了晋代当时很多的常用语汇,为后世研究魏晋词汇面貌提供了材料;书中大量的新词新义,既可补充现有辞书的不足,又反映出这一时期汉语词汇的真实面貌。这些都说明《搜神记》在中古汉语词汇研究中具有很大的语料价值,我们在研究汉语词汇尤其是中古汉语词汇时应予以足够重视。     

一个多民族文学融合互动的范本——《述善集》文学文献价值考述

“Tangwu” is an alternative name for the descendants of the Xixia dynasty. In 1227 AD, a number of these Xixia descendants moved inland after the destruction of the Xixia Dynasty by the Mongolians. One group of them migrated to the area near Puyang, Henan Province. Tangwu Chongxi ( Yang Chongxi ) of the Yuan Dynasty compiled the Shu San Ji, which is divided into three volumes: Shansu, Yucai and Xingshi, and appended with the biography of Boyan Zongdao. It reflects the historical origins, social class, living conditions and the relations with the Han people of the descendants of the Dangxiangqiang minority af-ter they moved to Puyang. This book attracted a lot of attention in academic circles, and it was there-fore reorganized and published in 1985 after being treasured by the people for more than 600 years. It has high academic value for its comprehensive his-torical records. We can not only acquaint ourselves with the history of the make-up of the Chinese na-tion, but also research this diversity from multiple perspectives, such as history, nationality and folk-lore . That is why it has drawn so much attention a-mong academic researchers. The book contains po-ems, prose and biographies, which belong to dif-ferent celebrated scholars from different ethnic mi-norities, all of whom had relationships with Tang-wu Chongxi. It is also a typical model of Qiang-Han literature, which is very rare. This paper gives a preliminary exploration on the book, and shows a small part of its comprehensive value. Shu San Ji is not a merely personal collec-tion, but is also different from general literature collections. The compilation of the book took a long time. Shu San Ji Xuxie ( Continuation of Shu San Ji) , written by Zhang Yining, was finished in the 18 th year of the Zhizheng Period in the Yuan Dynasty (1358), which indicates that the Shu San Ji had already been finished by that time . Zeng wuwei chushi yangxiangxian xu ( Presented to Chu Shi Yang Xingxian·Preface ) , written by Wei Su and finished in the 24 th year of Zhizheng ( 1364 ) , suggests that the Shu San Ji had been compiled in-to a book by that time, and that it was compiled with the compositions of social celebrities of the time. However, the Shu San Ji, as it has been handed down to us today, includes the Song Yang-gong Xiangxian gui Tanyuan xu ( Preface of Send-ing Yanggong Xiangxian Back to Tanyuan) by Tao Kai, written in March in the 5 th year of Hongwu in the Ming Dynasty ( 1372 ) . It indicates that Yang Xiangxian kept on collecting articles even after the book was finished. The Xu yangshi yiji ( Preface of Yang’s Last Collection) by Wang Chongqing, writ-ten in the 6th year of Jiajing (1527), indicates that the Shu San Ji was still being written after Yang Chongxi’s death. At the end of the Shu San Ji , Boyang Zongdao zhuan ( Biography of Boyang Zongdao) and Weiti shi (Poems) were collected in the 16 th year of Zhengde in the Ming Dynasty (1529) and in the 16th year of Shunzhi in the Qing Dynasty (1629), respectively. It suggests that the
Shu San Ji had been supplemented and continually recompiled since Yang Chongxi firstly finished his book in 1358. After 271 years, in 1629, the Shu San Ji, as we read it today, was finally comple-ted. Through the basic components of the Shu San Ji,readers can understand that the Tangwu family was a harmonious, multi-ethnic family. A number of multi-ethnic writers spent long periods compos-ing works collected in the Shu San Ji and Tangwu Chongxi was also influenced by China’s diverse culture and traditional Confucian culture. The work is strongly connected with his study in Guozixue. In the late Yuan Dynasty, the restora-tion of the imperial examinations promoted Confucianism’s influence further. Pan Di, as Tang-wu Chongxi’s teacher in Guozixue, wrote most arti-cles in the Shu San Ji, which shows their close re-lationship and his influences on Tangwu Chongxi’s literature and Confucian studies. Tangwu Chongxi and others’ works reflected their sense of admira-tion for and deep feelings for their Dangxiang an-cestors, but more so helped to propagate the con-cepts of Confucian edification, diligence, thrifti-ness and benevolence, and some of them did so in a very polemic way. For example, Boyan Zongdao wrote the Jiefu xu ( preface of “Jiefu”) and Tang-wu Chongxi wrote the Jiefu houxu ( epilogue of“Jiefu”) , which reflect the social reality and ide-ology of all scholars with different ethnic back-grounds at that time. His work, “Tangwu gong-bei” fushi ( Poem inscribed on Tangwu Tablet ) , was written in a plain and authentic way and showed that he always remembered his origins and his ethnic desire to inherit the family’s heritage. Meanwhile , it was also mixed with the popular ide-as of upholding the honor of their ancestors from the central plains and Han areas, which shows the
editorial purpose of the Shu San Ji and also dem-onstrates the value of Chinese multi-ethnic litera-ture and cultural integration.     

教育与娱情:中外戏剧价值论永恒的内部角力——以曹禺剧作批评史为中心

“戏剧何为”是曹禺剧作的批评者共同关注的焦点问题之一.耐人寻味的是,在不同历史阶段,研究者们于曹剧的思想价值与艺术价值之间总是有意无意地突出一方而非等而视之——要么肯定一方而否定另一方,要么将一方视为另一方的附属产品.这一现象首先与曹禺在个人创作倾向和时代、社会要求的冲突中所生发的价值犹疑有关——作者在“教育”和“娱情”两大功能之间的摇摆直接导致了其剧作价值倾向的模糊.更进一步说,由于戏剧自身的艺术特性及其不同于其他文类的受众特征,“教育”和“娱情”之间的角力始终潜隐于古今中外戏剧价值论内部,曹剧中两大功能之间的“暗斗”恰是其具体表现之一.     

严羽论诗的自信气质与主观精神

严羽论诗个性极其鲜明,其观点、立场以及语气和口吻等均体现出强烈的自信。原因有三:一是他自幼受到纵横家的影响,尚奇节而不拘一格;二是宋朝的理学与禅宗尤其是心性之学对他诗学观的渗透;三是其求学过程中承续了老师的精神气质。严羽论诗的主观精神也极其鲜明,他推崇兴感神会、无迹可求、含蓄蕴藉的诗风,其兴趣说、妙悟说、熟参说等都充溢着一种迷离、玄妙和神秘的色彩。这是对古代文论诗性传统的继承和发扬,也和其论诗的自信气质、诗学观的本质息息相通。     

周代籍礼“风土”考

《国语》所载周代"籍礼",是一种具有巫术特征的礼仪活动。其意义是疏导土壤中的阳气,使之顺利地播散。籍礼中,以瞽为首的乐官们所从事的"风土"活动,并不是韦昭注所以为的观察土壤中的气脉,而是通过乐舞鼓动风气,帮助土壤中的气脉顺利播散。它是这一土壤巫术中的重要组成部分。     

李渔的人生哲学与话本创作

李渔宣称"行乐第一",是一个享乐主义者,他的人生哲学直接影响小说人物的性格与行为,操纵小说情节的发展与结局。李渔认为"行乐之地,首数房中",他一生广置姬妾,笔下人物大多妻妾成群。其性爱观念主要考虑男人的利益,婚恋小说要求女人无条件地顺从男人。李渔对居室、园亭颇有研究,一生三次修建别业。他把自己置造园亭的绝技与雅好移植到了人物身上,并已明确意识到人物身份、性格与居住环境的关系。李渔出生于商人家庭,具有良好的商业意识与经营能力,晚年转型为文化商人。他笔下的正面人物,都是靠忠厚起家,凭仁慈发迹,赚钱后享受生活,仗义疏财,决不当守财奴。     

鄞县鲍家、郁家与初创时的商务印书馆

成立于1897年的商务印书馆,是中国历史最悠久的现代出版机构。为促进民族觉醒、提高国民素质、繁荣学术文化、推动社会进步,做出了积极贡献。鄞县鲍氏和郁氏家族在商务印书馆的创办过程中出力甚多,在7位创办发起人中,鄞县鲍氏和郁氏家族占5位,即鲍咸恩、鲍咸昌（郁厚坤姐夫）、郁厚坤和鲍咸昌的2位妹夫夏瑞芳、张桂华,他们为该馆的创立和发展做出许多重要贡献。     

“无厚入有间”与“有厚入无间”辨——周济和蒋敦复词学思想比较研究

“无厚入有间”和“有厚入无间”分别为清代词学家周济和蒋敦复的论词之语，这种形象化的说法颇难领会。结合两家的其他词论，对二者的实质意义进行阐释，并揭示二者的区别。     

明代兼主唐宋派的韩愈古文与《史记》之比较批评

韩愈古文与《史记》之比较批评是韩文批评史中一个重要内容。早期关注点较分散,涉文气、文质、天才与穷而后工等议题,具体论较以文体、句法为主。明中期,兼主唐宋派针对独尊秦汉文法式,袭貌遗神之时弊,开始形成以《史记》为衡量,强调"神髓"、"本色"的比较自觉。这是接续古文统绪之举,是由唐宋以溯秦汉思潮的产物。既为其重要研究方法,所形成的侧重文统和师法的比较理论,又构成其古文理论的核心内容。     

论郁达夫与马拉默德短篇小说中的苦难言说

描写民族苦难以及重大历史背景下个体的困厄和艰辛，是二十世纪上半叶大多数中国作家和犹太作家作品的重要内容。文章选取了中国作家郁达夫和美国犹太作家马拉默德最有影响力的短篇小说作品进行分析，主要关注了他们对苦难的表述和言说的方式、角度，以及对超越苦难所做的不同尝试。郁达夫着力表达的是与民族命运息息相关的青年人的苦闷，马拉默德关注的是作为生命之常态的苦难。他山之石可以攻玉，当中国近现代大多数作家都抄“救亡图强”的近道去解生之苦难时，反观同时代的犹太作家们对苦难的表达，我们可以得到一种新的图式和角度。