学术运动对于常规科学的负面影响——兼谈民俗学家在非遗保护运动中的学术担当

民俗学者是非物质文化遗产保护运动中的主要学术力量,目前的"非物质文化遗产学家"多数由民俗学者变身而来。民俗学者们普遍认为,参与非遗保护运动是民俗学不可推卸的社会职责和学术职责,同时也是一次新的历史机遇。可是,作为一门常规科学,民俗学的处境却显得非常尴尬:学术与时政的结盟必然导致学术独立性的丧失;常规研究的停滞也将进一步削弱民俗学在整个学术格局中的学科地位;对基础研究以及既有范式的放弃必将导致民俗研究后继乏力;而一旦非遗保护运动落幕,久违了常规研究的民俗学家们必将进退两难。     

Buying a Voice: Gendered Contribution Careers among Affluent Political Donors to Federal Elections, 1980–2008

Early work in feminist theory hypothesized that differences in women and men's social and institutional roles might be reflected in the ways they participate in the political sphere. However, past empirical research has found scant evidence of a gender gap in the participatory strategies or motivations of women and men who become active in politics. But significantly less is known about the gender gap among a more select and increasingly significant player in American politics—political donors. In this article, we utilize a novel big data set—called the Longitudinal Elite Contributor Database (LECD)—that contains the population of all itemized donations made in federal elections between 1980 and 2008. Using this novel big data set supplemented with Social Security Administration (SSA) data on the gender of first names, we provide original estimates of the long‐term evolution of gender representation in the donor pool, vis‐à‐vis when, how often, and to whom affluent men and women have made political contributions over nearly 30 years. We find that large and persistent gendered inequalities of political voice continue to characterize this significant form of political influence. We theorize the potential implications of these findings for the representation of women's interests in the political sphere.     

再造“卫生”:20世纪50年代的上海食品安全

新中国成立初期,人民群众生活水平逐渐提高,摆脱了从前饥寒交迫的生活。但因国家财政紧张、卫生基础设施建设不足和民众卫生意识薄弱等因素导致的食物中毒事故不断发生,对新建立的人民政权构成了极大的挑战。上海市作为全国最大的金融、文化中心,人口众多,工业发达,食品需求量巨大,致使食品安全问题也不时发生。为应对日益严重的食品安全问题,保障新中国的生产建设工作,党和政府采取了一系列措施对食品安全问题进行了整治。经过治理,食品安全问题得到有效解决,提高了人民生活幸福感,增强了民众对中国共产党的政治认同。这一治理过程也为党和政府推进基层政权和社会主义现代化建设打下了群众基础,对新生人民政权的巩固具有积极意义。     

Live audience responses to live televised election debates: time series analysis of issue salience and party salience on audience behavior

Televised political debates are the platforms for party leaders to outline their party's political programs and to attack those of their political opponents. At the same time journalists who moderate the debates are testing the party leaders’ ability to clearly outline and defend their programs. Television audiences of election debates evaluate these party leaders and political parties based on their television performances. Prior to the social media era, viewers’ evaluations were collected through phone surveys or web questionnaires. Nowadays viewers share their opinions in real-time on social media. Particularly Twitter is used in the Netherlands as the platform to share these opinions. In this study tweets produced by the audiences of five different televised debates that took place during the campaign for the Dutch 2012 parliamentary elections are analyzed in terms of tweeting about politicians and parties as well as political issues, as well as the content of the debates. This allowed us, using time series analysis, to test the relation between issue salience in debates and issue salience of the audience on Twitter. The issues of ‘Employment and income’ and ‘Europe’ were the most tweeted about, roughly aligning with the attention these issues received in televised debates. Findings further show there are consistent audience reactions to issues discussed in the debates: issues of ‘Housing’, ‘Care for the needy', and ‘Europe’ showing the strongest effects. However, candidates and parties are not explicitly associated by people active on Twitter when certain political issues are being debated on TV.     

Between political opportunities and strategic dilemmas: the choice of ‘double track’ by the activists of an occupied social centre in Italy

According to the political opportunity structure (POS) framework, mobilization tends to intensify when channels of access to the authorities open, leading the protest actors to hope for success. This happened during the protest campaign aimed at the reopening of the occupied Social Centre ‘Experia’ in Catania (Italy), after the eviction by police, because unexpectedly moderate centre-left political actors supported mobilization and the centre-right local government accepted to put the issue on the institutional agenda; nevertheless the social centre was not reopened. In order to explain why the mobilization was unsuccessful, we analysed the protest campaign combining the POS framework with the approach to strategic dilemmas by James Jasper; if opportunities and restraints of the political system influence the choices and behaviours of unconventional actors, in their turn the actions and decisions made by movement activists affect the POS. In this case, the social centre activists filtered the constraints and opportunities of the local political system through their cognitive lenses and faced some dilemmas (Naughty or Nice?, Extension, Shifting goals), whose strategic choices extended or reduced these constraints and opportunities, thus affecting the opening and closure of the POS. The failure of the solution attempted by the social centre activists to keep both options of the various dilemmas, i.e. the strategy of ‘double track’, demonstrates how it is very difficult to be successful by maintaining dilemmas rather than making the strategic choices they demand, when the local institutional POS is substantially closed.     

人大代表选举制度的完善之探究

人大代表的选举制度是人民代表大会制度的基础,对于发挥人民代表大会制度的优越性具有至关重要的作用。但现行的选举制度还存在一些问题,需要从公民的民主参与、直接选举的范围、选举组织机构的运行、候选人的提名确定程序、竞选机制和投票方式等方面进行改革和完善,从而更好地选出具有人民性和广泛性的人大代表,更好地保障人民当家作主的政治地位,更好地建设社会主义民主政治。     

Towards a language of sexual gray zones: feminist collective knowledge building through autobiographical multimedia storytelling

This article examines the narrative and discursive feminist labor of the Swedish 2010 Twitter-initiated #talkaboutit campaign focusing on sexual “gray areas.” The campaign sought to lessen the perceived gap between experience and discourse and work towards an adequate language encompassing difficult sexual situations presented as residing in the gray area between choice and coercion. Autobiographical narratives of negative sexual situations amounting to something less than rape were summoned, produced, and intensively disseminated online and in print media. I mainly analyze the autobiographical stories produced by what could be called the core members of the campaign as they signal the purpose of collective autobiographical storytelling as well as what is sayable and culturally exigent. I analyze how new grounds of contention in between sex and violence are staked out focusing equally on the feminist act of personal/political storytelling and on the story told about sexual “gray areas.” The article discusses the tension between the feminist collective, side-by-side, mode of storytelling and knowledge building and the equally present neoliberal narrative arc which culminates in a subject personally responsible for acting differently next time.     

Beautifully Imperfect: Using Facebook to change a population's attitudes toward marriage

This study uses focus groups and content analysis to understand the dialogic efficacy of Facebook as a platform for a government-initiated public communication campaign to promote marriage in efforts to reverse low birth rates in Singapore. The findings suggest a weak use of dialogic strategies by the campaign organizers who use Facebook as a channel for one-way communication with little realization of the social networking site's dialogic potential.     

重温毛泽东的学习观——基于建设马克思主义学习型政党的思考

毛泽东的学习观是毛泽东思想的重要组成部分,其主要和基本的内容包括:学习之意义、学习之内涵和学风建设。其中,学风问题是毛泽东学习观的核心部分,他关于学风建设的突出贡献,就是确立了党的实事求是的思想路线,也是毛泽东思想活的灵魂,在中国共产党的学习和思想建设史上具有里程碑意义。重温毛泽东的学习观,不仅是学习型政党建设的逻辑起点和现实关切,也是价值思考。     

从石油天然气勘探的历史经验重新认识四川盆地

四川盆地是我国古老的油气产区,从1958年到1966年,石油部在四川盆地进行过两次大规模的油气勘探会战,虽取得了一定的收效,但离原来预想的目标相差甚远。这一过程中留下了非常丰富的历史内容,值得深入总结。通过梳理两次石油会战的过程,指出尚存在如石油流失、油气比例相差悬殊等问题没有解决,并在此基础上,提出应对四川盆地从成烃、成藏理论到构造、岩性等地质特性做重新认识的观点。