Authoritarian and Homophobic Attitudes: Gender and Adult Attachment Style Differences

This study explored the relations of gender and adult attachment styles to college students' scores on several measures of authoritarian attitudes (e.g., right-wing authoritarianism, ethnocentrism, homophobia, and religious fundamentalism). A multivariate analysis of authoritarian attitudes yielded significant main and interaction effects involving students' gender and their (categorical) attachment style scores. Relative to women, men reported higher levels of homophobia, ethnocentrism, and right-wing authoritarianism. Gender differences in homophobia were additionally conditioned by participants' adult attachment styles: Men with dismissing styles evidenced the highest levels of homophobia, whereas women with dismissing styles demonstrated the lowest levels; that is, a fear of intimacy seemed to contribute to homophobic attitudes found among heterosexual men. This was the first U.S. study of the relationship between adult attachment styles and right-wing authoritarianism, and further investigation is warranted.     

权威主义人格研究的流觞

阿多诺及其同事提出了四个量表以测量＂潜在法西斯分子＂的权威主义人格及其态度特征,结论认为心理治疗和公民教育能够防止美国出现真正的法西斯分子。以这些量表为基础,权威主义人格研究蓬勃一时。冷战前后,经验证据的缺乏与民主价值的广泛传播似乎宣告了这一领域研究的终结;但是在20世纪80、90年代,权威主义人格研究出现了复兴,并侧重于将权威主义人格研究与态度研究结合起来。     

Change resistance moderates existence and longevity biases

Evidence has been found for existence and longevity biases—inferences of goodness from prevalence or longevity. We argue these biases actually emerge among change-resisting individuals. Our evidence suggests change-accepting individuals can even demonstrate a reversal of these biases. In two studies, change-resisting individuals’ attitudes were suggestive of existence and longevity biases while change-accepting individuals significantly reversed this pattern by evaluating long-standing or prevalent objects less favorably. Finally, we reanalyzed data from the existence and longevity biases literature previously reported in Social Influence. We found Americans identifying as more Republican—thus theorized as more change-resisting—were those who favored a long-standing practice. Altogether, we argue that existence and longevity biases emerge depending on individuals’ change resistance, indicating an important theoretical expansion.     

卢梭:自然主义者,还是威权主义者?

在教育史上,卢梭一直被认为是自然主义者。对此观点应持一种谨慎的态度。卢梭的自然主义主张是不彻底的,具有威权主义的痕迹,这个痕迹明显地表现在他的著作《爱弥儿》一书中。正是爱弥儿的导师,设定了教育的目的、场所、程序和结果,同样是爱弥儿的导师为其选择了职业和配偶。卢梭威权教育的思想根源在于其政治诉求：建立在契约基础上的政府,在执行公意时理应具有绝对的权威,公民必须予以服从。     

当前党执政体制的时代特性及其民主模式转型思考

执政党的执政体制,即执政党执掌运作政权所涉及的机构、机构职权的配置、权力运行模式及其三者的制度化状态的总和。当前中国共产党执政体制的时代特性是历史合理性和欠科学性的并存。作者认为当前体制是一种过渡型的威权主义执政体制。该体制转型后的民主模式应该既不削弱党的领导地位,同时还应能够不断增进中国共产党执政的合法性。     

法国政治中的权威主义与反权威主义

法国是一个具有丰富政治文化传统的国家。法国大革命以来的政体沿革体现了权威主义与反权威主义政治间的冲突,此种冲突在不同时期表现为国家行政权与立法权间力量对比关系的变化,反映了人们对中央集权的崇拜、对权威的渴求和对民主自由的向往。在法国的政体沿革中,权威主义政治在较多时候居于主导地位。     

当代东南亚国家政治民主化

政治现代化,即由传统的政治向民主政治变革的过程,是世界各国现代化发展的趋势.发展中国家的政治现代化或民主化,既汲取了西方发达国家的经验,又具有本地的特色,它们的政治发展走着一条独特而曲折的道路.本文拟对东南亚国家的政治民主化历程、现状和发展趋势作一考察.     

Political extremism,group membership and personality traits: who accepts violence? / Extremismo político,pertenencia al grupo y rasgos de personalidad: ¿Quién acepta la violencia?

Abstract

Identity fusion theory proposed that fused individuals have a visceral feeling of oneness with the group and this leads them to engage in radical, violent pro-group behaviours. Other approaches to group extremism link acceptance of violence to right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO). We extended previous research on fusion in three ways. First, by exploring if identity fusion is a significant predictor of the willingness to fight for a group, when controlling for group identification, left-wing authoritarianism (LWA), RWA and SDO. Secondly, we controlled for a membership in a group known for radical action directed at out-groups, namely football hooligans. Finally, we added a second outcome variable, which is the acceptance of violent change of the current social system. The participants were self-described football hooligans (N = 24) and undergraduate students (N = 155). Regression analyses revealed that the strongest predictor of willingness to defend in-group was identity fusion, with RWA and group identification significant as well. RWA and LWA emerged as the strongest predictors of acceptance of violent change. The effect of group membership wasn’t significant.     

Marching Against the Dictator: Chernobyl Path in Belarus

The protest campaign Chernobyl Path is held annually in Belarus to commemorate victims of the 1986 accident at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant, raise public awareness of environmental issues, and call for democratization in the post-communist state. The size of this protest event, however, has declined since the mid-1990s. This Profile argues that protest tactics and state countermoves account for a low level of citizen participation in the protest event. The empirical analysis focuses on the protest campaign held in the capital city of Minsk in spring 2013. The present analysis examines tactics deployed by regime opponents and state authorities during this protest campaign. The study illustrates how civic activists in an authoritarian regime seek to put environmental issues on the public agenda.     

荀子政治哲学思想的特性

在政治哲学的意义上,荀子与孔孟相比,其思想虽无本质性的差异,但在许多方面有其独特之处:在思想表达方式上采用"隐晦言说"的方式表达自己的思想;在思维方式上从政治与哲学的双重纬度出发思考政治哲学问题;在政治价值追求上表现出明显的权威主义与专制主义。这些思想特性加速了先秦儒家政治哲学的官学化和意识形态化。