建国后第一次大规模农村群体性事件

在1956—1957年的农业合作化运动高潮中,发生了建国后第一次大规模农村群体性事件。这次事件具有分布范围广、持续时间长、目的性高度一致、要求的合理性与行动的违法性相交织、局部对抗性和危害性等特征。文章分析了事件发生的主要原因,以个案的形式探讨了应对与处置情况,并提出了值得认真汲取的历史教训。      

供应链不同合作模式下合作利益分配机制研究——以煤电企业供应链为例

供应链合作模式直接决定合作利益形成机理,并由此影响合作利益分配,针对不同合作模式研究合作利益分配机制十分必要。根据煤电企业供应链合作实际,运用无限阶段讨价还价博弈方法建立了基于利润分配因子的合作利益分配模型,该模型适合一方向另一方投资的合作利益分配;运用Shapley值法和风险期望原理,建立了基于合作贡献和风险补偿原则确定的合作利益分配模型,该模型适合对长期合同、战略合作等合作利益分配。本文研究结果不仅对煤电企业,而且对其他生产商与供应商之间的供应链合作利益分配机制的建立具有指导意义。     

Effective local governance assisting vulnerable groups: The case of youth not in employment,education or training (NEETs) in Sweden

Youth not in employment, education or training (NEETs) have been analyzed from either individual or macro-structural perspectives, while policy discussions have emphasized national policy. This disregards (i) the substantial variation in NEET rates within countries, and (ii) the importance of local governance for this variation. We examine these issues in Sweden through the lens of interactive governance. Theoretically, four aspects of collective action are highlighted: identification of local NEET subgroups, perceptions of problems and of solutions, and stakeholder relationships. Empirically, an initial multi-level regression analysis of all 290 Swedish municipalities provided the basis for semi-structured interviews regarding local work with NEETs in 20 strategically selected municipalities. The qualitative data are here analyzed using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis. The results suggest that municipalities where local governance combines three of the four aspects, namely identifying NEET subgroups and sharing perceptions of problems and of solutions, have lower NEET shares than predicted.     

Validation of the ultra-short scale for measuring work engagement among social workers in Chinese contexts

Based on 683 valid questionnaires collected among a convenience sample of social workers from Hong Kong, Macau and three other cities in mainland China, this study investigated the psychometric properties of the Chinese version of the three-item ultra-short Utrecht Work Engagement Scale (C-UWES-3). The results of confirmatory factor analyses supported the discriminant validity of C-UWES-3 by differentiating its three items from other five items measuring emotional exhaustion and role ambiguity. The concurrent validity of C-UWES-3 was supported by its superior explanatory power to the original nine-item version of the scale (C-UWES-9) in relation to explaining social workers' turnover intention. The convergent validity of C-UWES-3 was supported by its correlations vis-à-vis factors in the job demands-resources model such as job demands, job resources, turnover intention and collective psychological ownership. The C-UWES-3 showed good internal consistency (Cronbach's alpha = 0.81). Overall, the C-UWES-3 demonstrates excellent psychometric properties for informing future research.     

More than ideology: perceived unfairness differentiates supporters of a new anti-austerity party from supporters of traditional left-wing parties / Más que ideología: la injusticia percibida diferencia a los simpatizantes de un nuevo partido antiausteridad de los simpatizantes de los partidos tradicionales de izquierda

After the outbreak of the economic crisis in 2008, anti-austerity parties in South Europe have gained prominence and dramatically transformed the political landscape. In Spain, the emergence of PODEMOS, a left-wing, anti-austerity party, has jeopardized the traditional two-party system. However, little is known about the psychological reasons that prompted more than one million Spaniards to vote for a newly created party in its first elections. To fill this gap the present study examines why people intend to vote for PODEMOS as opposed to traditional left-wing parties. We found that in addition to conventional predictors of voting behaviour (ideological orientation and party identification), perceived unfairness — a key variable within the collective action theory — critically influenced the preference for PODEMOS as opposed to traditional left-wing parties. A qualitative analysis of the reasons that participants reported in an open question yielded similar results. These findings suggest that supporting an anti-austerity party might be considered a collective action aimed at promoting social change.     

From democratic participation to civic resistance: the loss of institutional trust as an outcome of activism in the refugee solidarity movement

Adding to the literature on non‐institutional political action and trust, this article argues that the loss of institutional trust is not only a cause but also an outcome of political activism. Studying the Danish refugee solidarity movement in a mixed‐methods research design including survey and qualitative interview data, the article shows that three kinds of activism – political activism, humanitarian activity, and civil disobedience – relate differently to the loss of trust in the institutions of the Parliament, the legal system, and the police. Political activism primarily affects a loss of trust in the Parliament due to low external efficacy and a closed political opportunity structure. Civil disobedience affects a loss of trust in the legal system and the police due to a perceived lack of procedural justice. Humanitarian activity does not affect a loss of institutional trust because it does not imply interaction with the institutions to the same extent as the other kinds of activism. The consequence of losing trust in the political institutions is not an abandonment of democratic values, nor political apathy, but rather a change in civic engagement from a mode of democratically legitimizing participation in the institutions to a mode of contending and questioning the legitimacy of the political institutions. This finding indicates that in turn loss of institutional trust may cause an increase in extra‐institutional political action which is consistent with the commonly assumed causality in the literature. This leads to a final integrating argument for conceptualizing activism and loss of institutional trust as reinforcing factors in a process where, in line with the main finding of this study, activism may cause a loss of institutional trust which, in turn, may cause additional activism, as argued in the existing literature.     

From ‘moments of madness’ to ‘the politics of mundanity’ - researching digital media and contentious collective actions in China

Abstract

Information and communication technologies (ICTs) have become an essential part of contentious politics and social movements in contemporary China. Although quite a few scholars have explored ICTs, contentious politics, and collective action in China, they largely focus on the event-based analysis of discrete contentious events, failing to capture, reflect, and assess most of the political ferment in and around the routine use of digital media in people’s everyday lives. This study proposes a broader research agenda by shifting the focus from contentious events – ‘moments of madness’ – to ‘the politics of mundanity’: the political dynamics in the mundanity of digitally mediated, routine daily life. The agenda includes, first, the investigation of the dynamics underlying the mundane use of digital media, which not only places the use of ICTs in contentious moments into ‘a big picture’ to understand the political potential of mundane use of ICTs, but also reveals ‘everyday resistance,’ or less publicly conspicuous tactics, as precursors of open, confrontational forms of contentious activity. Second, the agenda proposes the examination of mundane experiences to understand the sudden outburst of contention and digital media as the ‘repertoire of contention.’ Third, the agenda scrutinizes the adoption of mundane expressions of contentious challenges to authoritarian regimes, as they allow for the circumvention of the heavy censorship of collective action mobilization. Mundane expressions have thereby emerged as a prominent part of the mobilization mechanism of contention in China. Addressing ‘the politics of mundanity’ will provide a nuanced understanding of ICTs and contentious collective action in China.     

The integrative power of online collective action networks beyond protest. Exploring social media use in the process of institutionalization

Abstract

In this article, we aim at expanding the event-based and protest-centered perspective that is typically adopted to study the nexus between social media and movements. To this aim, we propose a network-based approach to explore the changing role that these tools play during the dynamic unfolding of movement processes and, more particularly, over the course of their institutionalization. In the first part, we read the added value of social media as a function of the ‘integrative power’ of the networks they foster – a unique and evolving form of sociotechnical power that springs from the virtuous encounter between social media networking potential and social resources. In the second part, we investigate this form of power by focusing directly on online networks’ structure as well as on the type of communication and participation environments they host. We apply our proposed approach to the longitudinal exploration of the Twitter networks deployed in the period 2012–2014 during three annual editions of the transnational feminist campaign ‘Take Back The Tech!’ (TBTT). Results from our case study suggest that, over time, TBTT supporters do in fact make a differentiated use of social media affordances – progressively switching their communicative strategies to better sustain the campaign’s efforts inside and outside institutional venues. Thus, the exploration of the TBTT case provides evidence of the usefulness of the proposed approach to reflect on the different modes in which social media can be exploited in different mobilization stages and political terrains.     

基于SOAR模型的网民群体负面情感建模研究

面向网络舆情演变过程中政府应急响应需求,本文基于SOAR （State,Operator and Result）模型,将网民作为智能体Agent,将网络舆情中网民群体行为转变过程看作相应舆情问题空间中状态随时间的连续转换过程,设计突发事件中网民群体负面情感SOAR Agent模型,包括网民Agent的工作记忆、长期记忆、决策过程、学习机制,构建网民群体行为转换规则库和相应算法。在此基础上,设计仿真实验,结合典型网络舆情事件案例,对政府不同应急措施下微博用户群体行为演变过程进行建模。实证结果表明,基于网民群体负面情感的建模,可以分析和预测在不同网络舆情阶段、不同政府应急响应措施下网民群体的行为决策规律。     

涂尔干:道德本原与现代潮流——以自杀类型为线索

与通常的看法不同,涂尔干的《自杀论》并不是一部通过统计分析达到实证性结论的“科学”著作,在《自杀论》的四种自杀类型背后,有着关于现代社会的完整的病理学分析。本文尝试从自杀类型入手,联系涂尔干有关道德教育与原始宗教的著作,揭示涂尔干有关人性与社会之健康道德本原的思想;另一方面则从文明史的角度出发,结合涂尔干关于法国中等教育史以及政治和法律史的讨论,深入发掘涂尔干对西欧现代社会之源起和演进的思考。在涂尔干看来,正是现代社会潮流的极端化发展,导致社会的种种危机与病态。要克服现代社会的这一危险倾向,必须回到历史来考察现代潮流的源起和演进,才能在变化的现实条件下接续传统,重建人心和道德秩序。