论网络空间治理国际合作面临的难题及其应对策略

网络空间治理的问题通常需要国际合作才能得以有效开展。然而,当前网络空间治理的国际合作却面临诸如国家间网络主权是否存在的争议、网络空间治理适用制度的差异以及不同意识形态融合等诸多难题。这些难题制约着网络空间治理国际合作框架和运行机制的建构。事实上,网络空间治理国际合作的缺失导致的结果就是：它不仅损害了发展中国家的主权和利益,而且也纵容了跨国网络犯罪,妨碍了公民信息自由权利的实现。虽然当前的国际形势决定了网络空间治理国际合作难以在短期内达成,但是以捍卫网络主权、坚持网络合作的国际谈判与网络技术研发等为达成网络空间治理国际合作而创造条件的努力不能停止。这对于建设和平、安全、开放、合作的网络空间以及建立多边、民主、透明的国际互联网合作治理体系至关重要。     

Decolonial Hip Hop: Indigenous Hip Hop and the disruption of settler colonialism

ABSTRACT

Contemporary Detroit has gone through many changes – or so it appears. From streets lined with vehicles made by Chrysler, Ford, and General Motors and driven by the nearly 2 million people who called the city home in 1950 to certain parts of the city looking like ghost towns; from a population that dwindled to 670,000 to the revival of downtown. Yet, what has been remarkably consistent is the invisibility of the Motor City’s Indigenous population. Indeed, Indigenous erasure, combined with rhetoric and policies that continue to marginalize and subjugate African Americans in Detroit, create a place rooted in multiple colonialisms. This essay examines how Detroit’s Indigenous Hip Hop artists resist settler colonialism through art, creativity, and culture as well as the practices of Detroit 2.0, a rhetoric and policy used by Detroit elites to reimagine it as a place of opportunity. By making visible the connections between blackness and indigeneity, as well as by linking the struggle of colonized peoples in Detroit to those in Palestine, Indigenous artists are not only asserting their humanity and challenging the longstanding idea of their erasure, but also constructing pathways for artists and activists to disrupt the effects of multiple colonialisms that continue to marginalize people of colour in urban areas. Detroit’s Indigenous Hip Hop artists make socially conscious music and also participate as activists in the city of Detroit. They serve as a window onto contemporary Indigenous identity, represent an exemplar of the urban Indigenous experience, and combine activism with art in a variety of ways.     

中世纪拓殖运动与近代殖民扩张关系初探

中世纪的拓殖运动是指发生于 11-13世纪的大规模移民、拓边行为。它不仅是存在于欧洲的一种社会活动,而且是当时生产发展的一种表现形式。反过来它又极大地推动了社会生产力的发展,并伴以生产关系的逐渐调整。生产力的提高和地域分工的优化,大宗贸易与商业资本主义随之产生。资本增殖的内在需求推动欧洲人走出欧洲去寻求原料产地和商品市场,中世纪的拓边也由此突破边界而扩展成为近代的海外殖民。     

Cultural Competency as New Racism: An Ontology of Forgetting

This article argues that cultural competency promotes an obsolete view of culture and is a form of new racism. Cultural competency resembles new racism both by otherizing non-whites and by deploying modernist and absolutist views of culture while not using racialist language. Drawing on child welfare, cultural competence is shown to repeat what Lowe (1993) calls an ontology of forgetting Canada's history of colonialism and racism. A recommendation is made for jettisoning cultural competency and emphasizing instead a self-reflexive grappling with racism and colonialism.     

TERROR AND THE COLONIAL IMAGINATION AT WORK IN THE TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATE SPACES OF JAKARTA,INDONESIA

This article examines the role of the imagination in the construction of meaningful places out of economically defined and organized spaces. It seeks to understand the processes through which a colonial imagery is deployed in the negotiation of a complex and continually transforming transnational corporate order. This article is based on research conducted while working as a cross-cultural trainer within a transnational corporate office space in Jakarta, Indonesia. I discuss cross-cultural training as a space within which a colonial discourse based on terror and uncertainty persists, producing an ambivalent understanding of foreign overseas labor. I argue that a colonial approach to the social relations that take place within trans-national spaces persists for both Western-born and Indonesian members of the transnational capitalist class and is central to their perspective on capitalist expansion.     

Communicating Amok in Malaysia

This article analyzes the different messages communicated in Malaysia by violent acts labeled amok. In the colonial period, English-language uses of the term represented the presence of an anti-modern remnant among the peninsula's Malay population, one that led to a medico-legal understanding of individualized violence. Malay-language uses of amok represented, in contrast, the presence of modern changes amid the collective peninsular society. These two vectors of interest combined in the post-colonial period, where amok became a primary ingredient for analyzing Malaysian politics and national security, from the pivotal urban rebellion of May 13, 1969, to the Reformasi protests of 1998. Critically reexamining these representations of amok helps us to rethink the efficacy and power of violent acts in Malaysia and elsewhere.     

Indigenous identity, ‘authenticity’ and the structural violence of settler colonialism

In many ways, the structural violence of settler colonialism continues to dominate the lived experience of Indigenous populations, including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in contemporary Australia. One aspect of this structural violence concerns the regulation of Indigenous identity, today perpetuated through state monitoring of the ‘authenticity’ of Aboriginal people. This article argues that the contest over Indigenous identity perpetuates a form of symbolic political violence against Indigenous people. It considers the ways in which structural violence against Indigenous identity has featured in Australia's settler colonial regime and examines the particular violence faced by urban-dwelling Aboriginal people, who endure much contemporary scrutiny of the ‘authenticity’ of their Indigeneity. As a case study, the article examines the symbolic violence associated with a particular legal case in Australia and, in light of this analysis, concludes that settler colonies could make a decolonising gesture by legislating for the protection of Indigenous identity.     

Colonialism at the margins: politics of difference in Europe as seen through two Icelandic crises

Scholars have for some time emphasised destabilising the boundaries between colonised and colonisers, in addition to calling for more nuanced analyses of colonialism. I focus here on the politics of difference on a global scale and how the internal logic dividing the world into ‘us’ and ‘other’ is still significant, using two cases revolving around an Icelandic struggle with ‘otherness’ at different times in history: one in 1905 and the other in 2008. I claim that the analysis of those at the margins of the dualistic divide of colonised and coloniser clearly brings out the oppositions at play within historical and contemporary global relationships of power and how participation in colonial ideologies involved multiple politics of identity and selfhood within Europe. Both cases show Icelandic anxieties about being classified with the ‘wrong’ people and their attempt to situate themselves within the ‘civilised’ part of the world.