历史地缘政治背景下广西政治中心的选择与分省设想

唐后期,为了控驭广西西南部的非汉民族,在广西境内首次设立高层政区岭南西道,道治位于邕州,但历时短暂。从北宋到明代,在以民族因素为主导的地缘政治背景下,广西的政治中心长期位于桂林。清代中前期,民族因素对广西地缘政治的影响削弱,桂林作为省会只是历史惯性的作用。清后期爆发的边疆危机,成为广西地缘政治变动的新因素,广西省会由桂林迁往南宁成为历史发展的妊然趋势。     

留美幼童与近代中国政治

留美幼童是近代中国第一批留学的群体。他们在近代中国的历史舞台上扮演着重要的角色．特别是在归国以后的岁月里,他们对近代中国政治的贡献比较明显,其表现为：第一,引进近代风气,冲击官僚旧习;第二,维护铁路主权,引爆革命高潮;第三,投身革命实践,促进民主进程。     

论新时期网络参政与中国民主政治发展

新时期网络参政对中国民主政治发展促进作用将更加明显,是有中国特色民主政治发展的重要内容之一。网络参政的作用已经引起了党和国家领导人的重视,地方党和政府的负责人也逐渐注意到网络参政的实际意义,其作用主要体现在：促进参与式民主的发展;促进传统集权等级制权力结构的转换;促进社会平等;促进政治、政府公开的发展;促进选民与人大代表的沟通;促进公民政治社会化的加强。网络参政还是把双刃剑,应该加强规范和管理。     

《红岩》:知识分子的凤凰涅槃

在新中国十七年"红色经典"当中,<红岩>是社会影响最大的一部小说,作品成功塑造了一批中国共产党人的光辉形象,并以生动而感人的故事情节,书写了知识分子革命者的钢铁意志和精神炼狱,进而成为了广大知识分子思想改造的政治"教科书",由此深深影响了几代中国人的成长历程.     

“内化正义”是何种正义?——试析柏拉图的政治方案

<理想国>开篇之后,迅速把前政治问题(幸福晚年)及一般性弱者政治问题(回报正义)提升到专门的强者政治问题(宪法正义),把焦点集中在谁应当握有领导权的问题上.柏拉图的方法论是类比,即"灵魂的政治化"和"政治的灵魂化"的比较.据此,他提出了一种"内化正义"现.其本意是用这种"新正义"帮助日常正义的重新确立,但在民主社会中的人看来,"等级集权正义"正是最大的不义.     

信念论政治之局限与后意识形态政治走向——奥克肖特政治“理想类型”理论探析

可以把不同社会的不同政治生活看成是人类应对各种挑战的不同应战模式.这类应战模式在奥克肖特看来,可以抽象地划分成为两种极端的"理想类型":信念论政治与怀疑论政治.人们正是通过在这极端"类型"的中间地带作出移动与调整,来使社会适应来自外部与内部环境的不断变化.由于近现代以来人类理性的盲目膨胀,各国应对时代挑战的政治类型在本质上都严重偏向于信念论政治.信念论政治在显现自身合理性的同时,也把人类拖到了极其危险的意识形态政治之中.而解决之道就在于,以向怀疑论政治的适度回归来打通走向后意识形态政治之路.     

Strange Bedfellows: Anachronisms,Identity Politics,and the Queer Case of Trans*

This article explores trans identities, as articulated within a few historical texts. From early literary depictions of gender difference, to medicalized conceptions of transsexualism, to a proliferation of trans and queer identities represented by an ever-expanding “alphabet soup” of identity labels, our understandings of identities, sexualities, and queer community-building continue to change. I use the notion of “kind-making,” as elaborated on in the work of Ian Hacking, to illustrate that some queer and trans identifications are affiliative, whereas others are contrastive or oppositional in nature, and these structural differences have important implications with respect to understanding identity and sexuality, and also trans inclusion within LGBT communities and activist efforts.     

Populist political right opinions and political trust among Norwegian youth

Recent decades have seen the growth of various strands of right-wing populist political orientations, where populism and critique of immigration policies have been central. These ideological developments have caused concern for the legitimacy of social and political institutions. The question explored in this paper, based on Norwegian survey data, is ‘Which types of right political orientations exist among young people, and how do these political attitudes affect trust in social and political institutions?’ The results reveal the existence of both a populist ‘new right’ political orientation similar to the ideology of the Progress Party and a nativist ideology. The new right orientation contains two sets of variables: (i) economic liberalism/state scepticism and (ii) nationalist values. For trust in political institutions, the emerging picture is complex because the nationalist dimension of both the populist orientation and the nativist ideological orientation implies a high level of trust in political institutions. To the extent the new right political orientations causes mistrust, it seems to come from the liberal economic, anti-statist values included in this ideology. Based on these findings, future researchers should distinguish more clearly between the ideological dimensions going into populist political right orientations and the relationship between attitudes and more practical implications of such ideologies.     

New politics and satire: the Euro financial crisis and the one-finger salute

ABSTRACT

This article argues that the conventional conceptualization in political science of politics is problematic, that it is overly narrow and constrained. This is because it excludes a range of actions like satire and humour which have come to play an increasing role in inspiring and provoking powerful political emotions and in informing the political agenda. Drawing on the work of critical scholars, it is argued that emotion, ethics and art can be deeply political. Moreover, new forms of media have encouraged new–old forms of political action often at the hands of young people who hitherto have been marginalized from the public sphere. Digital technology enables the production of user-generated content, opening new spaces for information, the exchange of ideas and mobilization. This article highlights the work of the young German satirist Jan Böhmermann to demonstrate how expressive art is playing a major role in shaping public opinion, in contesting power elites and informing political debate. In short, I use Böhmermann’s 2015 satire depicting Greco-German relations in the midst of a financial crisis and fears of loan defaults to argue for a broader understanding of politics that is inclusive of activities conventionally deemed non-rational.